Comrades, A quick appeal to everyone - let's depersonalise the debate and engage in constructive discussion to encourage a culture of robust debates which feed into the main objective of this forum. Back to basics: should we still nationalise the mines against the background of "some ideological questions on the nationalisation of mines?" I do not think so. I also did not want to engage on the socialisation question as raised by cde Jeremy Cronin but there is sustainable dimension compared to populist analyses of what informed a debate on the nationalisation of mines. It's safe to say socialisation is a complex subject matter but if done in the right way with realistic expectations, not a haphazard affair, its tenets will yield positive results compared to nationalisation - and the state would be able to generate income to invest in the development of the country. Cde Rosa Luxemburg on the Socialisation of Society (December 1918), brings this dimension: "The proletarian revolution that has now begun can have no other goal and no other result than the realisation of socialism. The working class must above all else strive to get the entire political power of the state into its own hands. Political power, however, is for us socialists only a means. The end for which we must use this power is the fundamental transformation of the entire economic relations. "Currently all wealth – the largest and best estates as well as the mines, works and the factories – belongs to a few Junkers and private capitalists. The great mass of the workers only get from these Junkers and capitalists a meagre wage to live on for hard work. The enrichment of a small number of idlers is the aim of today’s economy. "This state of affairs should be remedied. All social wealth, the land with all its natural resources hidden in its bowels and on the surface, and all factories and works must be taken out of the hands of the exploiters and taken into common property of the people. The first duty of a real workers’ government is to declare by means of a series of decrees the most important means of production to be national property and place them under the control of society. Only then, however, does the real and most difficult task begin: the reconstruction of the economy on a completely new basis." This observation highlights the fact that a call for nationalisation of mines is not only late but ambiguous and unable to see the unintended consequences of serving the interests of the bourgeoisie. The sad reality is that the nationalisation which is being bandied about places the obligation on the part of the state to carry the burden of near insolvency or actually insolvent mines, including all unproductive assets and BEE shareholding on the brink of liquidation. We understand the rationale behind nationalising mines, but the state is not in a financial position to use good money to keep bad business in business which ordinary people never benefitted from it. Again, we cannot selectively nationalise mines and leave agricultural land, banks, factories, as if they did something to realise a new dispensation. No superficial nationalisation programme can take place as long as it does not take into account the socio-economic challenges and political developments in the country. I would rather lobby for socialisation in a sense that there are tested models for sustainable and profitable means of production which many communist countries place them under the control of society, with guaranteed returns to meet the political mandates of their election manifesto. A compromise, under current economic conditions, would be for the state to establish a mining company to carry out its political mandates in a sustainable manner - whose business model will be designed to be resilient in all conditions - where the state will provide guarantees for it to raise funds in the markets. It means should the corporation become unable to repay the debt, government will give surety to repay it on behalf of the corporation. This is very sustainable without risks of placing expected losses in the hands of the state, like in the case of nationalisation. It's good to know that government understands this and is acting accordingly - because it's not convinced about the graphical details of the probity and viability of the nationalisation programme. There is no room for trial and error experiments without economic substance. It's not even somewhat alarmist but a fact of life in society that if you have a recession, firms are not making profit and the economy is depressed. Not even some foreign exchange to be generated from the 2010 World Cup will create a boom. There is no context of dialectical materialism will justify arbitrary use of tax-payers' money to "unintentionally bale-out private capital." Indeed, problems of liquidity of mining companies and indebtedness for BEE shareholding are very much real and statistics show that our depressed economy has shed about 770 000 jobs. Isn't that "acute." I submit therefore that we cannot nationalise the mines, under the circumstances, precisely because it will not only be a costly exercise but unsustainable and destructive for a developmental state. I remain comradely, Morgan Phaahla Ekurhuleni
"Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology." - Joe Slovo --- On Mon, 11/30/09, Nyiko Floyd Shivambu <[email protected]> wrote: From: Nyiko Floyd Shivambu <[email protected]> Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Some ideological questions on the Nationalisation of Mines To: [email protected] Date: Monday, November 30, 2009, 9:06 AM Some ideological questions on the Nationalisation of Mines December 2009 Comrade Jeremy says in the first article he wrote about Nationalisation of Mines that “the SACP also prefers in general to refer to "socialisation" rather than "nationalisation". He does not however provide a conceptual foundation on what he means by socialisation of Mines in the context the ANC Youth League raised the debate. I, for instance, believe the conceptual foundation released on the 15th of July 2009 assists some of the questions (http://www.politicsweb.co.za/politicsweb/view/politicsweb/en/page71654?oid=136369&sn=Detail). In the subsequent article, Comrade Jeremy clarifies his position on the entire question of Nationalisation as a principle. Whether we nationalise now is a question that requires a thorough ideological debate, and I think as disciplined young communists, we should concentrate on that. Probing the question of when we should we nationalise the Mines; the DGS (Cde JC) says that “it [nationalisation of Mines in 2009] would land the state with the burden of managing down many mining sectors in decline. It would further burden the state with the responsibility for dealing with the massive (and historically ignored) cost of "externalities" - the grievous destruction that a century of robber-baron mining has inflicted on our environment. In the current conjuncture, nationalising the mining sector at this point would also probably unintentionally bale-out private capital, in a sector that is facing many challenges of sustainability. The problems of liquidity and indebtedness for BEE mining share-holders are particularly acute”. I think this was somewhat alarmist, and appreciate the nuances expressed in the latest intervention. For Marxist-Leninists, the question of when we nationalise Mines should be interrogated within the context of dialectical materialism, not through raising of false alarms intending at causing panic amongst revolutionaries in the cause of a National Democratic Revolution. In Philosophy and Class Struggle, Dialego says, “if we stress the materialist component of our philosophy at the expense of the dialectical, the result will not be ultra-leftism but its twin opposite — right-wing opportunism: the tendency to overestimate the strength of the enemy so that the superficial appearances of the moment are mistaken for the deeper trends at work in historical reality. Indeed, legalistic illusions which stem from an insufficiently dialectical approach to politics, may even lead to the kind of unprincipled compromises which make short term gains, but weaken the movement as a whole”. Encountered with a bigger difficulty of a per se underdeveloped nation and almost non-existent socialist consciousness amongst the few workers in Russia in the early 1900s, Vladimir Lenin never raised false alarms. He was instead inspired by the existent conditions and documented a clear programme titled “What is to be done”. Lenin never asked “Should we do something”; nor did he ask “whether conditions are favourable for something to be done”. As a revolutionary, he documented a clear programme on what was going to happen and virtually all of the things he said were to be done happened. He understood that as a revolutionary, you do not fold your arms and wait for the balance of forces to be in your favour, but should work towards ensuring that balance of forces are in your favour. The conditions in our country are currently favourable to a revolutionary programme and that is conclusively objective. Affirming this observation, the ANC Strategy & Tactics says, “Overall, since 1994, the balance of forces has shifted in favour of the forces of change. It provides the basis for speedier implementation of programmes to build a truly democratic and prosperous society. The legal and policy scaffolding for this is essentially in place. Most of society wants this to happen”. Various other objective conditions provides reason why we have an adequate space to could move decisively on altering property relations. The Road to South African Freedom says “The main aims and lines of the South African democratic revolution have been defined in the Freedom Charter, which has been endorsed by the African National Congress and the other partners in the national liberation alliance. The Freedom Charter is not a programme for socialism. It is a common programme for a free, democratic South Africa, agreed on by socialists and non-socialists. At the same time, in order to guarantee the abolition of racial oppression and White minority domination, the Freedom Charter necessarily and realistically calls for profound economic changes: drastic agrarian reform to restore the land to the people; widespread nationalisation of key industries to break the grip of White monopoly capital on the main centres of the country's economy; radical improvements in the conditions and standards of living for the working people. The Communist Party pledges its unqualified support for the Freedom Charter. It considers that the achievement of its aims will answer the pressing and immediate needs of the people and lay the indispensable basis for the advance of our country along non-capitalist lines to a communist and socialist future. To win these aims is the immediate task of all the oppressed and democratic people of South Africa, headed by the working class and its party7 the Communist Party”. The ANC adopted the Freedom Charter in 1956 and hoisted it as a beacon of hope for the people of South Africa. In the process of organisational configuration, what was subsequently launched as the South African Congress Trade Unions (SACTU) endorsed the process towards the adoption of the Freedom Charter. In 1962, the South African Communist Party’s political programme, the Road to South African Freedom said, “The main aims and lines of the South African democratic revolution have been defined in the Freedom Charter, which has been endorsed by the African National Congress and the other partners in the national liberation alliance”, and further that “The Communist Party pledges its un qualified support for the Freedom Charter”. The SACP 1962 programme declared its unqualified support to the Freedom Charter with an understanding that firstly, “the Freedom Charter is not a programme for socialism” and secondly, the immediate programme for the Communist Party included, “demanding the nationalisation of the mining industry, banking and monopoly industrial establishments, thus also laying the foundations for the advance to socialism”. Socialisation will in this instance be a consequence of nationalised Mines, Banks and Monopoly Industries, not the immediate programme of a National Democratic State. This thesis has somewhat underpinned the SACP's ideological foresight and telescope for a significant period of time, most notably when the Republic thesis was adopted. I believe this is a discussion we should have and will never be destructed by insignificant other issues, and all comrades have a right to raise whatever they want to raise. And comrades who want to raise issues with me directly are at liberty to do so via email, and we will take the discussion forward. Floyd -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . 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