A Jag in the garage while the lawn needs cutting
Education central to modern societies

Neva Makgetla, Business Day, Johannesburg, 3 February 2010
ECONOMISTS overuse the family as a metaphor for the economy, but
sometimes the parallels are irresistible. As in: What would you think
if your neighbours bought a Jaguar, attached a fully fitted gym and spa
to their roof and set up a helicopter pad, complete with helicopter, in
the garden — and then couldn’t afford their rates and school fees, or
to keep the lawn trimmed?
A similar philosophy seems to be driving South African government
officials when they develop economic strategies. All too often we seem
to define “development” as creating conditions for the rich and
powerful to pretend they live in Europe, through megabucks projects
such as the Gautrain, the pebble bed nuclear reactor, the Fifa World
Cup and the arms deal, among others. In short, flashy regularly wins
out over the hard slow work of systemic improvement.
These four projects alone cost the country in the order of R100b n,
with at best a dubious impact on sustained and more inclusive economic
growth. Their cost exceeds the annual education budget and is twice the
health budget. If the state had spent that much on building up Eskom’s
capital over the past few years, we would not be contemplating hugely
damaging increases in electricity tariffs.
Rather than chasing huge projects that promise to be a panacea for all
economic and social ills, we need to get education and health right;
ensure adequate and cost-effective infrastructure; build market and
social institutions that support inclusion and cohesion; minimise
unnecessary regulatory hassles for individuals and business; and ensure
the government responds urgently and appropriately to changing economic
conditions. These require long-run but consistent and rigorous change,
not big new projects.
Consider the areas of education, infrastructure and the regulatory
framework.
Education is central to modern societies as an engine of economic
growth, a critical element in functional democracies, and the launch
pad for social mobility. It is thus truly shocking that the education
system still largely replicates the inequalities entrenched
consistently over decades of apartheid rule.
To this day, unless their parents fall into the top 5% or so of income
earners, African children can expect a worse education than others.
Only about one African child in five passes matric, and only half of
all university students are African.
Central to the failure to address the real problems in education is the
insulation of the rich — through Model C and private schools and the
decision not to publish pass rates by race and region. As a result, the
discourse tends to centre on the quality of individual schools, rather
than the systemic inequalities established by apartheid.
It doesn’t help that improvements in education require dedicated and
consistent effort over decades to bear fruit. That kind of long, slow
slog surely doesn’t promise the easy gratification of, say, world-class
stadiums for the World Cup.
On infrastructure, SA compares well with most other countries, largely
because Asgi- SA initiated a major build programme in the mid-2000s.
That said, SA still faces huge challenges.
Historically, the majority of citizens were denied basic household
infrastructure as well as the transport and communications systems
needed to engage the economy. The imperative of addressing those
apartheid backlogs must be balanced against the parallel requirement of
maintaining cost-effective infrastructure to sustain the core formal
economy. The picture is complicated by the economy’s extraordinarily
high emissions intensity, which means fundamental shifts in energy and
transport are unavoidable.
An explicit long-term strategy would let SA set priorities, optimise
the incremental decisions on the location and nature of infrastructure,
and hopefully anticipate risks.
Indeed, virtually every new law on infrastructure requires the
government to publish such a strategy. Yet these requirements are
mostly left unfulfilled. At best they are met through bureaucratic
procedures that do little to ensure planning reflects broader social
and economic needs.
SA also faces systemic challenges around the regulatory framework. The
democratic state had to introduce myriad new laws and rules to replace
apartheid policies. Inevitably, this legislation spawned unanticipated
costs and many other unintended consequences .
Given the risks of regulatory change, it would make sense to enhance
the fail-safe mechanisms. For years now, the government has
contemplated a regulatory impact assessment system to measure proposed
laws and regulations against the core priorities of employment, equity
and growth. But the system never takes off.
The result is a plethora of new regulations that pursue more or less
desirable ends at disproportionate cost. And taken together, the new
rules still do not add up to a consistent programme to benefit the
majority.
The Planning Commission and the Department for Monitoring and
Evaluation in the Presidency are supposed to ensure that the government
takes a longer-term perspective and consistently reviews the impact of
its decisions. That, in turn, should entrench a more systematic
approach to development.
Yet to succeed requires more than technical solutions. It requires that
the long-term plans be debated broadly, so that the majority of South
Africans can ensure the government responds to their needs. Otherwise
it is fatally easy for the rich and powerful to convince the government
to chase projects that make them feel world class, while skimping the
hard, slow, systemic changes needed for sustained and inclusive growth.
- Makgetla is lead economist for research and information at the
Development Bank of Southern Africa
From: http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/Content.aspx?id=92683


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Posted By DomzaNet to Communist University on 2/03/2010 09:19:00 PM

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