Greeting comrades, I have been following the discussion on nationalisation
and have my own reservations on the matter as probably the ANCYL would say,
this is an input that I was requested to post by a fellow comrade of mine
though incomplete he aged that I do post it for the first version may need
to be engaged by some of the comrades in this blog, I have also taken time
to go through this document and various other document presented to me by
many comrades and ordinary South Africans in the debate entirely, posted
bellow do not serve as my view but those of the author comrade Sithembewena
Tsembeyi who is by the way blogged by comrade Dominic in participating in
this blog.
This a brief synopsis from comrade Sithembewena Tsembeyi's personal
observation you can also comrade join him in his discussion a blog in the
Google group that is very robust and critical in discussion these issues at
http://groups.google.com/group/bolshevic-media .

find here attached his input, AMANDLA!

*Nationalisation of Mines from another angel (round two)*

By Sithembewena Tsembeyi

Introduction:



I have been following the debate triggered by the ANCYL on the economic
policy of the ANC, based on their plan, was to fist introduce this debate
towards the National general Council of the ANC in September, however my
scepticism on this is that the YL will be holding its National Council
before the ANC’s one that is in July, question is, will this be first
engaged in the leagues council for endorsement before even thinking to
forward it to the ANC’s council.

With the fear of been labelled or called a detractor I will basically put
much focus on the given debates by various comrade and ordinary South
Africans, In my little knowledge or rather intellectuality, I have in this
little time learnt a lot in the debate , based on ideological understanding
of comrades and their interpretations on the subject at hand.

Comrade Zaza the district secretary of the YCL in my district (Dr Yusuf
Dadoo) has consistently been argued that “Nationalisation is not equal to
Nationalization”, while in as much as I might not understand from his point
of view, my say will be based on Trotsky’s ABC of Material Dialectics in his
argument of the Aristotelian logic of the simple syllogism starting from the
point that ‘A’ is equal to ‘A’ , he (Leon) argue that “*this postulate is
accepted as  an axiom for a multitude of practical human actions an
elementary generalisations, but in reality A is not equal to A..”* This
arguments made by Trotsky are nothing but the reality facing us in this
discussion, either from the “detractors” or the ANCYL.

However as much as I am trying not to label comrades Sophists, there might
be un-deliberate composition of the discussion to vary from a progressive
point to that of a sophist one, based on scientific thinking and general
practice including techniques as our only part of understanding these
contradictions. Nationalisation should at least not be signified as a point
of departure of our knowledge, aside from the extremely dubious practical
values of this discussion, it does not withstand our theoretical criticism
either. At some point it may seem that these interventions by myself and
many other comrades “detractors” are useless. In reality they are decisive
significance.

Observations are that South Africa is deemed as a developmental state, and
these are some of the realities that one before taking into account economic
policy issues should interact in trying to underpin:

1.       What are the current economic policies in place?

2.       Post Polokwane have we made any changes in the economic policy?

3.       What was the economic policy of the ANC in government prior
Polokwane?

A little bit of memory lane:

If I remember correctly comrade Zuma made it clear and many other leaders of
the ANC that the economic policy of the ANC and government will not have any
drastic changes if any at all have been made, reality is that we have not
made any economic changes in the current administration, however it is vivid
to me whether Polokwane had any economy policy change (resolution), which in
this case are subject to outs the (current) policy for a better one.
Understanding is that the comprise of the 96 class project was signified by
the economic policy desirable to their character and that was nothing but
the Growth, Employment and Redistribution policy (GEAR), reality is that
singing about our uncertainty, disapproval and dissatisfaction of the GEAR
policy could have not changed the policy as the standing economic policy of
the ANC and latter Government.

My take is that GEAR as there has never been any economic policy changes in
the current administration, we are still in the format of the then (TM’s
administration), if there has ever been any economic changes then it would
be done on TM’s era.



*1.       **Nationalisation v/s Insults, Labelling and name calling*

It has been unfortunate that in the premature stages of this debate comrade
from both the ANCYL and the so called “Detractors” have relegated the debate
to smash street tactics, this in so many cases have made reservations on
critical contributions from both private and social stakeholders fearing
from anticipated response that may come. Causing serious segregation from
prominent inputs either for the ‘for’ and the ‘for not’.

Following the insults in this case, however not trying to rub it in, I have
and probably many ordinary South Africans viewed the tendency as a failure
to tolerate each other, or an unqualified “Slash hammer” (in lack of a
better word) to force an understanding of opinion from ones point of view.
It may probably be a newest symptom in the current political dispensation to
use these intimidating tactics.

Some may argue that this is a significant sighting of lack of intellectual
capacity, though I may defer, arguing that this has been nothing but a
failed attempt to prevail correct, as intellectuality is interconnected with
dubious intimidating tactics, rational creativity , public expression and
emotional validity.

In my understanding this has been continuous attempts of comrades for being
sound-bite from a vulgar point (thoughts), “Vulgar thought operates with
such concepts as capitalism, morals, freedom, workers’ state, etc. as a
fixed abstraction presuming that things remain the same, where else valid
dialectical thinking analyses all things and phenomena in their continuous
character while determining in the material conditions of those changes that
critically limit beyond ‘common sense’, for reality ‘common sense’ is
characterised by the fact that it systematically exceeds dialectical
tolerance. Comrade Jeje the Deputy Secretary in my District of the SACP
always argues that “*Common sense is the enemy of the revolution...”* it is
true that in most if not all cases that the fundamental flaws of arguing
from a vulgar thought lies in the fact that it (Vulgar thoughts) wishes
content itself with motionless imprints of a reality which consist eternal
motions, however dialectical thinking gives us concepts, by means of closer
approximations, corrections, concretisations a richness of content and
mostly flexibility. While Trotsky argued that “*Dialectical thinking is
related to vulgar thinking in the same way that motion picture is related a
still photography...”* in the simplest term your views or my views are not
dogmatic in a natural society.



*2.       **Nationalisation v/s anti-communism and anti-union tendency*

It would be wrong and unfair for us to assume that a descending view to our
inputs in the debate as unions, its affiliates and worker federation and
socialist movements i.e. SACP and SASCO are viewed as anti-communist and or
union bashing, Yes probably in the manner directed to certain individuals
within these formations (movements) might be offensive to the priorities of
the alliance as a whole not only to such organisation suffered. Reality is
that the Alliance is not a honeymoon kind of scenario, but should be based
on critical and robust engagements, where in most cases might not
necessarily result in kiss and make up situations.
Yet is also incorrect for any one including the ANCYL to vilify existence of
any organisation within the Alliance and outside, as it is tactically
incorrect to do such, as it serves in compromising the integrity of each
others right to exist and independency, by reducing such organisation as
labour desk, or socialist desks of the other movement. It is also not
strategic to observe any existence of the revolutionary alliance as a bitter
strand of the other.

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