Ignore Malema at your peril
Posted By Joram Nyathi on 10 Jun, 2010 at 5:08 pm

THERE are only two ways to deal with ANC Youth League president Julius
Malema: either the whites physically eliminate him, or the ANC sacrifices
him. Neither option resolves the key question of Malema’s popularity: the
quest to give meaning to African independence by taking control of our
natural resources.

The whites will not kill him because they are wise enough not to precipitate
the same catastrophe which they fear an unrestrained Malema represents, and
the ANC as a party can only sacrifice Malema at irreparable damage to itself
and its credibility as a revolutionary movement. But it risks sacrificing
both the man and principle through a lack of resoluteness in pursuit of what
is historically just. That is if President Jacob Zuma wants to earn himself
the tag of Mr Nice Guy, and forgets why the poor black majority voted him
into power.

Because of their fear, the whites, especially farmers and big corporates,
have shifted the task of dealing with Malema to the ANC itself. In
particular, President Zuma is now being asked to deal with this Frankenstein
monster which he created to fight his predecessor, Thabo Mbeki. It’s a
pretty clever trick to get the ANC to fight itself while exonerating those
who want a weakened ruling party which won’t threaten their vested
interests.

For their part, whites are fighting Malema at the symbolic level. He is
semi-literate if not a “buffoon” like Zuma himself. Malema poses a threat to
freedom of expression and the press. Malema exposes Zuma’s partiality for
Zanu PF and President Robert Mugabe against MDC-T as a mediator in the
Zimbabwean political crisis. His “kill the boer” song is racist. Malema is a
threat to foreign investment.

So it was that all powerful media in SA were in celebratory mood when it was
announced that Malema was going to face disciplinary action from the ANC for
all these sins. It was time to silence Malema once and for all. The ANC
played along, but luckily retreated at the brink last week. Malema was fined
only R10,000 for disrespecting Zuma. He was also ordered to go for political
lessons. Slap on the wrist, sorted!

That is as much as the ANC can go. The Youth League in most of the country’s
provinces is fully behind Malema. They have made it clear they elected
Malema for his radicalism, which is clearly lacking in the older generation.
The ANC is fully aware that silencing Malema is not the same thing as
resolving the cause he is championing.

In turning against Malema instead of confronting recalcitrant white farmers
and mining conglomerates who won’t share anything with poor blacks, the ANC
leadership is showing unforgivable cowardice. It leaves future generations a
terrible legacy of a people who won the liberation war but refused to take
control of the country.

The ANC, and white South Africans in particular, need to accept a little
truth. The Malema phenomena is more than an individual. It is an idea. He
represents a generation which is ready to confront a monstrous evil in the
form neo-colonialism and its more insidious sibling, the liberal ideology.
South Africa’s problems are not going to be solved by killing Julius Malema
or dismissing him from the ANC for telling the truth.

South Africans, black and white, must confront head-on the material
conditions which breed the likes of Malema. It was because of these
conditions that Nelson Mandela went to prison for 27 years. The “ideal” for
which he said he was “prepared to die” is still a pipedream for the majority
blacks while the whites have appropriated the man to themselves and turned
him a mock idol on his people.

What is sad is that while white South Africans are aware of the danger to
themselves of eliminating Malema, they are refusing to learn plain lessons
from the stubborn stance chosen by their cousins in Zimbabwe. The land
reform which they so much revile began on a willing-seller-willing-buyer
paradigm. The approach didn’t work because those who “owned” the land asked
for “market prices” which they knew the government could not afford. They
would not part with fertile farms, with some farmers as late as the year
2000 still owning up to 13 farms each.

They thought they could still keep their farms in perpetuity by instigating
their indigent farm labourers to vote en mass in the February 2000
referendum against a new constitution which would allow government to seize
these farms without paying compensation except for improvements such as
houses and other infrastructure. They won the vote but lost the farms.

They thought they could stop the process by attacking leaders of war
veterans who spearheaded the land reform as lawless thugs. Looking at the
travesty going on in SA, one sees people who still believe “not in a
thousand years” will they share their ill-gotten wealth with blacks.

Zimbabwe is now in the second phase of the struggle for control of its
natural resources: the indigenisation programme in which blacks must
ultimately acquire 51% equity in all foreign-owned companies worth more than
US$3,5 million. (In the original regulations the figure was US$500,000).

In South Africa’s case, Malema might be one of those who benefited from
black economic empowerment programmes of the past 16 years. His detractors
prefer to see patronage as the only source of his wealth. Whichever is the
case, he lives the poverty of the poor majority everyday to be able to tap
into their anger and frustration with a revolution which appears to have
ended prematurely before it could deliver on the promise of independence.
These are the realities which should exercise the collective conscience of
South Africans of all races. Instead, what one sees is a preoccupation with
form over content by most white South Africans.

Malema might be semi-literate, according to those who benefited under
apartheid, but he knows there are millions of black South Africans who are
worse than he is, thanks to racial segregation which favoured the white race
in everything, including the quality of education. Most of the cadres who
fought the liberation wars in Southern Africa were semi-literate or
illiterate. So that epithet against Malema hits at the core of all those who
sacrificed their education to liberate their country, but today wallow in
poverty because they are illiterate! How can history be so cruel?

The crushing irony is that our countries are full of literate black
journalists who are historically illiterate. So illiterate in fact that they
believe it is right to stop Malema from singing liberation war songs like
“Dubul’ ibhunu”. Like one sage observed: “A history forgotten is a future
lost.” So illiterate that they believe a SADC Tribunal seeking to reverse
Zimbabwe’s land reform should be enforced just to stop South Africa and
Namibia from embarking on similar programmes.

The ANC, as the oldest liberation movement in the region, needs to provide
decisive leadership. One can only hope that the meeting of five former
liberation movements in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, last week breathed new life
into the ANC. Silencing Malema can only prolong the inevitable. It is more
likely to bring forth a 100 angrier, semi-literate Malemas so long as things
don’t change for the black man.

We are too familiar with this hypocrisy in Zimbabwe where all rights count
for blacks, except economic rights, that is the right to own their God-given
natural resources.

 Joram Nyathi is the communications director of the Joint Monitoring and
Implementation Committee – a multipartisan body overseeing Zimbabwe’s power
sharing government. He writes in his personal capacity.

http://maravi.blogspot.com/2010/06/sticky-newzimbabwe-ignore-malema-at.html


News is something someone, somewhere doesn’t want to read. The rest is PR.—
Claud Cockburn
www.kwelaxpress.co.za

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