Firstly, let me answer whether "do we need an independent media tribunal." A 
quick response is, yes we do need an independent tribunal to monitor certain 
parameters and take corrective action to deal with "shoddy" journalism.
 
It's encouraging to see senior communist cadres taking the debate to great 
lengths and unpacking some of ambiguities with debating "critically with the 
media through the media about the media". Correctly put, media enjoy 
home-ground advantage but refuse to engage in any form of a debate on the 
proposed tribunal. Now the energy is being invested on singling out 
personalities within the ANC and Alliance structures and trading apologies in 
an attempt to stifle the debate.
 
So, it means the media captains do not only dislike the tribunal but they won't 
even debate the matter. I wonder whose interests this serves as it's definitely 
not the public's interest. In other words, media want to be a law unto itself. 
That won't happen. It's not possible to achieve consensus on any motion without 
engaging in the public interest otherwise that motion will not only fail but 
would not be implementable.
 
That is why ANC secretary general Gwede Mantashe invited newspaper editors to 
join the party's debate on setting up a media tribunal however it appears they 
choose to resort to technicalities and semantics to the level of opining that 
"the proposed tribunal would go against the existing system of self-regulation 
which involves the media and members of the public, and would be 
unconstitutional". That's laughable to say the least, even the court will 
dismiss any legal action brought against a possible setting up of a media 
tribunal as vexatious litigation and desperate attempt to ward off what has 
prospects of adequately and sufficiently protecting the rights of the 
individual citizens.
 
Of course, the system of self-regulation of the media is necessary but must be 
guarded in order to promote the human rights of all South Africans. And the 
only is through an independent tribunal.
 
I remain,
Morgan Phaahla
"Sometimes, if you wear suits for too long, it changes your ideology." - Joe 
Slovo

--- On Wed, 8/4/10, DomzaNet <[email protected]> wrote:


From: DomzaNet <[email protected]>
Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] [Communist University] Do we need an independent 
media tribunal?
To: [email protected]
Date: Wednesday, August 4, 2010, 5:21 AM






Umsebenzi Online, Volume 9, No. 15, 4 August 2010




In this Issue: 


Do we need an independent media tribunal?
 
Red Alert:


Do we need an independent media tribunal?



By Jeremy Cronin


It is generally considered unwise for a politician to debate critically with 
the media through the media about the media. You don't exactly enjoy 
home-ground advantage.


This has been obvious in recent weeks with the re-surfacing of the debate 
around the ANC's 2007 national conference resolution on an independent media 
tribunal. There has been a back-lash barrage of negative editorial comment 
directed against the three or four ANC and Alliance comrades who have had the 
temerity to raise the tribunal proposal again.


Yet beneath the negative barrage some interesting issues have emerged. In the 
first place, notice how senior journalists are divided on whether to respond 
positively to ANC Secretary General Gwede Mantashe's invitation to have an open 
and frank discussion on the matter at Luthuli House.


While unhappy with the tribunal proposal, Rapport columnist Jan-Jan Joubert 
nonetheless criticises a certain "English-language newspaper editor" for not 
taking up the opportunity of a frank engagement with the ANC. I assume Joubert 
is referring to Business Day's Peter Bruce, who in his own weekly column this 
Monday confirms that he will not be attending the meeting "on principle". 
Clearly Bruce is only prepared to play when there is home-ground advantage.


But in his previous week's "Thick End of the Wedge" column Bruce himself made a 
number of enlightening admissions. Bruce conceded that the present 
self-regulatory, print media ombud arrangement is woefully inadequate. He also 
noted that when newspapers were required to publish an apology they often 
buried it obscurely, in contrast to the original offending story which might 
have been emblazoned in a prominent place. Bruce assured us that as editor, at 
least of Business Day, he would always seek to publish an apology on the same 
page as the original.


And, indeed, true to his word, within a week, this Monday the Business Day was 
carrying a front page apology to Minister Siphiwe Nyanda. The paper apologised 
to Minister Nyanda for a story alleging intended corruption in the suspension 
of his Director General. The story had been based on a single unnamed source, 
and the newspaper's apology conceded that this was "shoddy" journalism.


Bruce (or is it the renewed call for a media tribunal?) seems to have triggered 
a fashion for apologies. The very next day, The Times carried its own rather 
half-hearted apology (but an apology nonetheless) for having run a story on 
Monday headlined "Jail journalists - Nzimande". The newspaper conceded that our 
General Secretary had not said this at the SACP's 89th anniversary rally in 
Rustenburg.


But that wasn't the end of the story. While The Times was busying being 
apologetic on Tuesday, the Business Day, having done its apologetic thing on 
Monday, was now running an editorial attacking cde Nzimande for "getting so 
excited at the prospect of sending a journalist to jail". Presumably this 
editorial claim was based on a single source once more - in this case, the 
erroneous story in The Times!


Media stories, especially sensational allegations about prominent 
personalities, have legs of their own. Saying sorry after the event is just not 
good enough. Sorry doesn't undo the damage, whether the sorry is prominently 
displayed or obscurely tucked away.


Clearly, we've got a problem. In fact, we've got several media problems. Part 
of the confusion in the debate around the proposed media tribunal is that ALL 
of these problems tend to be lumped together. The tribunal is presented either 
as a solution to them all, or as a sinister non-solution.


It would be wrong to see a tribunal as the solution to all media problems. For 
instance, within the ANC-led alliance there is considerable frustration with 
the fact that much of the print media, in particular, appears to have adopted a 
narrowly anti-ANC oppositionist stance. Remember the orgiastic media froth at 
the launch of COPE? Notice how stories about the SACP and COSATU are all too 
often anchored around the forlorn but endlessly repeated conviction that we 
will split from the ANC. These are irritations for us, but they are not the 
kind of thing that could or should be sorted out in a tribunal.


Related to this oppositionist inclination is the media's view that it is a 
watch-dog over those in power (usually those in political rather than economic 
power). The media certainly needs to play a watch-dog role. There are many 
examples before and after 1994 of journalists exposing wrong-doing in high 
places and we should salute those who have done so. However, there are times 
when watch-dog zealotry displaces other roles of the media - like helping 
ordinary citizens with accurate information on matters that affect their daily 
lives. But, again, the question of getting this balance right is not really a 
matter for a tribunal - except where there are spurious and ungrounded 
allegations masquerading as blowing the whistle.


Another big problem is the ownership of media. Two major corporations dominate 
the newspaper business - the Independent Newspaper group and Media24/Naspers. 
One recent attempt to break this monopoly, the Nigerian-financed This Day soon 
became...well, Yesterday. It was marginalised not on the basis of its editorial 
content, but because the two big corporations dominate everything from paper 
supplies to distribution networks. This might be something that the Competition 
Commission could consider but, again, it is not properly a matter for the 
proposed tribunal.


There is another problem with the Independent Group. It is foreign-owned and 
while its local papers are turning a profit, its foreign newspapers are in 
serious trouble. According to many journalists working on so-called 
"Independent" newspapers in SA, surplus from SA is being pumped out to prop up 
failing titles elsewhere. Newsrooms are being squeezed locally. Experienced 
journalists are being retrenched and junior journalists are being deployed to 
cover stories for which they are ill equipped. Again, while these dynamics are 
no doubt partly responsible for the grievous inaccuracies that often occur, the 
question of media ownership as such is not a matter for a tribunal. The 
democratisation of the media and the fostering of a diversity of voices is a 
battle to be fought on other terrains.


Writing in Sunday's City Press, in his capacity as a freshly appointed 
"in-house ombudsman" (another too-little, too-late self-regulatory move?), 
Mathatha Tsedu, quite candidly concedes that Media24's ownership transformation 
exercise has been a "joke". However, he assures us that ownership personalities 
are largely irrelevant, it is the editorial staff that determine content. All 
that the effective Media24 owners worry about, he tells us, is making a profit 
- "if the target market is lapping the newspaper off the stands, they let the 
content managers be."


But, contrary to what Tsedu appears to assume, this is NOT reassuring at all. 
If editorial "independence" swings on profit maximisation, then we will tend to 
get exactly what we are often getting. Trashy tabloids aimed at the working 
class, and acres of middle-class whingeing in what passes for serious 
journalism. In short, journalism that panders to the lowest common denominator 
in its target audience.


Let me stress that these are tendencies, not the whole picture. There are many 
positive features in our media. There are thoughtful commentators and plenty of 
professional journalists. There is much lively public phone-in participation on 
our radio stations and an impressive array of local community broadcasters.


So why do we need to consider having an independent media tribunal?


It should certainly not be about taming the media into being docile lap-dogs 
for the ruling party or government. We cannot go back to that pre-1994 past. 
Nor should it be about getting even with individual journalists, still less 
packing people off to jail. The stories of an individual journalist are seldom 
simply his or her work alone - from a collective news conference's allocation 
of assignments, through a sub-editor's dodgy headline, to the general ambience 
of competitive and money-making pressures, what appears as an individual story 
in the media is essentially a collective, institutional product. If a tribunal 
is to have some teeth - say the levying of fines - then these should be imposed 
on the business and not the individual.


We DO need a reliable and independent institutional mechanism to which members 
of the public, including (but not only) high-profile personalities, can take 
concerns around grievous misrepresentation and unethical reporting. So what 
about the courts? Civil action against libel needs, of course, to be an option, 
but it is costly, prolonged and often inconclusive. Won't the independence of a 
tribunal appointed by and reporting to parliament run the risk of being 
compromised by a dominant majority party? It's possible, but I believe that the 
example of our Human Rights Commission and latterly of the Public Protector 
demonstrate a different trajectory.


One thing's for sure, as this week's carnival of newspaper apologies 
demonstrates - self-regulation on its own simply isn't working.


Asikhulume!!



--
Posted By DomzaNet to Communist University on 8/04/2010 11:21:00 AM 
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