Issue 24, Vol 7: 14 October 2010

*In this issue:*

   - Building grassroots media to Empower the Voices of the
People<http://www.ycl.org.za/main.php?include=pubs/bot/2010/issue24.html#one>
   - The DA's push for LRA Amendment must be
opposed<http://www.ycl.org.za/main.php?include=pubs/bot/2010/issue24.html#two>


[image: Political Notes]Building grassroots media to Empower the Voices of
the People

Of the many issues raised in the discussion about the proposed Media Appeals
Tribunal (MAT), which will now be discussed in parliament, media houses
chose to focus only on how this will only be a license for government to
arbitrarily arrest journalists and editors and close newspaper houses as was
the case in Zimbabwe and other African countries. They have denounced this
process as an apartheid-style approach by the ANC to control what gets
transmitted to the public, especially news that is critical of or exposes
corruption in government.

This, they claim, is because newsrooms have become the beacon of hope to an
uninformed public in its fight against corruption and its blinded loyalty in
re-electing the ANC into government. And as a sign that the ANC is loosing
it, they seek to tighten the grip on the right to freedom of expression in
order to determine news and opinions of newspapers. In a nutshell, the Nats
are back in the form of the ANC, and this time, they are as resolute as
North Korea or China.

Because of the monopoly the powerful media houses possess in the
transmission of information, and the trust bestowed on them by the
unsuspecting public, they planted the seed in society of a gory ANC
hell-bent on reversing the very same rights they helped to restore in the
fight against apartheid. When reading some of the columns prepared against
the ANC and the Alliance, and the depiction of the SACP General Secretary in
some of the pages, you could have been mistaken to think you are right in
the 80’s and Pretoria is not yet Tshwane.

But my intention today is not to defend the media onslaught on the MAP, this
has been done sufficiently. I want to argue that there should be more in the
debate for media transformation than a mere scare-crow on shutting them
down.

We need newspapers, radios, the internet and television as a source for
educating, informing and entertaining our people. The working class and poor
youth need to receive fair and balanced news on their country and the world,
and also have their voices and perspectives heard about where this country
should go without any distortions. The voices of young people should at all
times be paramount, and the media, both public and private, holds the
responsibility to ensure that they transmit this voice without the illusion
of seeking to replace it. In many instances, media houses claim to ‘speak
for the people’ instead of allowing the people to speak for themselves. In
this way, they determine the extent of freedom of thinking and engagement,
what they refer to as public opinion.

This is done in many and easy ways, and in some instances, it is not about
what is written. Sometimes it’s more about what is not written which brings
the entire information world in to total chaos. If people make decisions on
the basis of limited information, we have denied them the right to freedom
in making such decisions, and with the power and influence of the media,
they have the responsibility and should be made to account for such.

The fundamental right to information by the public in order for them to
determine what is right and what is wrong, and for them to be empowered to
make important choices in the course of democracy should never be
underestimated. The transmission of this information has to reach the public
without fear, favour or bias. This right goes parallel to the right of the
public to be heard without any distortions.

The media claims that their responsibility is to conform to what is
newsworthy, and ensure that they hand the information to the people for them
to decide; this is never the case. In many instances, newsrooms determine
public perceptions and opinions through how they craft news. They sometimes
omit to report certain news under the guise of ‘not newsworthy’; when in
actual fact their filtering of news is intended to achieve a certain
economic, political or socio-economic objective.

The media claims to give the people freedom of choice, but this happens
within limited choices whose objectives sometimes are the same. In this way,
newspapers are structured to achieve a certain ideological or political
objective. This is even worse when there are no alternative, fully financed
media institutions whose survival is not dependent on profits but on their
ability to be objective and transmit news without fear or favour.

Then there is the issue of transformation and ownership.

Many of us believe that it is the editors of newspapers who own newspapers.
They do not. It is shareholders of companies such as Naspers, Primedia,
Avusa and Caxton who own the newspaper brands from production to
circulation. The responsibility of editors is to ensure that papers sustains
or increases its circulation, and thus increase profitability. Many editors
have fallen from grace because they reported what they believed is news
worth people knowing, but if the shareholders are not happy, they got fired.

Some may argue that newspapers needs to make profits in order to survive,
but in the final analysis, the large chunk of the profits made by these
newspaper do not necessarily go back into the production process but into
the pockets of shareholders. An independent media should not only be the one
that pleases a few rich men and women by placing news that purportedly
boosts circulation and therefore profits. In fact, many journalists,
drivers, cleaners and general workers of newspapers earn a pittance compared
to what the shareholders earn. In some instances, because profits do not go
into the production cycle of newspapers, they end up relying on the internet
and SAPA to source news stories and thus affecting the quality of news. (A
case in point was the story that Julius Malema will not stand in 2011 as the
president of the ANC Youth League, a news story that was first transmitted
by Beeld, and then SAPA and thereafter almost every media house in the
country without confirming its veracity. The ANC YL later denied Comrade
Malema having said this)

An independent media should be the one that takes a developmental posture
towards news, become educational and informative, and also entertain.

The struggle against the apartheid media and its financed ‘independent’
institutions was not only for a few who can read or write, or who can buy
shares in media houses, to shape the voice of the people. It was intended at
ensuring that, unfiltered and undistorted stories, the cries of our people
for political, economic and social justice is attained. It was to ensure
that the people own media institutions and through this, can control the
messages and demands that goes into the public.

As we agonise and engage about whether we need a MAT, we should also be
debating about the responsibility of government to finance and provide
capacity for grassroot media institutions such as community newspapers,
radio and television stations. These should not be made to go cap in hand to
advertisers for funding, as this will mean that their voices will be
manipulated in order to be music to the ruling class. In this way,
government will also be creating a platform in which it can engage with
people directly without mitigation by the private media houses. The Media
Development and Diversity Institute should be given a fresher mandate and
resources to empower ordinary people to run media institutions.

The Media Appeals Tribunal (MAT) will be the door-MAT in which we dust off
unaccountable, unwanted and malicious voices within the media which gives
this profession the bad name. That’s the Bottomline...cos the YCLSA said so!

*Buti Manamela
YCLSA National Secretary*



The DA's push for LRA Amendment must be opposed

The recent opportunistic amendment proposal by the DA of the Labour
Relations Act so as to include liability of unions in the event of damage to
property, in the cause of strikes or marches should be vehemently opposed.
The DA is being provocative in this move and in the final analysis, this is
meant to blunt if not to technically destroy the main weapon for trade
unions – labour unrest.

The labour relations Act and other pieces of labour legislations, in their
current form, are a product of a thorough-going and an extensive process
between government and labour particularly COSATU after 1994. They represent
the finer balance for both employers and workers and have shaped the
workplaces with workers rights, their unions and employers rights and their
employers' representative organizations. And these laws remain as relevant
as they were in 1996.

In pursuit of the labour relations Act amendment, the DA cites the Hlophe
judgement in 2006 after the SATAWU strike and a reported damage to shops in
Cape Town as a basis for this advance. I must say that I am equally
disturbed by some within the movement, for opportunistic reasons also, are
unofficially sharing DA perspective particularly after the biggest public
sector strike.

If there is legal precedent in the form of Hlophe judgement, it therefore
means that there is an established legal recourse in event where damage to
property is associated to the union. It effectively means Courts have a
locus standi in providing justice in such circumstances. Therefore why one
would want to further amend a piece of legislation to insert a liability
aspect when the Court can rule against a particular union allege to be
responsible for such damage to property so that it is liable.

The danger from this proposed amendment is that it will limit the scope of
legal liability to a union and therefore close the door to individual
liability on the basis of being a culprit to property damage. This is
important because no union has ever sanctioned to its members the fact that
they can damage property or cause violence.

It is a fact that in the cause of marches and strikes some agent
provocateurs who are not associated with the union do participate in actions
as an ostensible part of support to the cause of workers. And it is
impossible for marshals to know everybody in the membership. So these
community members as they participate in red attire, in the process they do
certain things that are stranger to the culture of a given union including
such unbecoming acts. Do you continue to hold the union liable?

This is not to say that union members are innocent in some cases but each
case must checked against its objective specifics (whether collective union
liability or individuals liability) to which the Court, if someone resorts
to, can navigate in pursuit for justice. If that amendment can go through,
during strikes, the DA will always sponsor agent provocateurs to participate
in order to damage property in the name of unions so that they become
liable. The intention would be to discourage ultimately strikes and unions
would be afraid to resolve on strikes because the inevitability of property
damages. Alas! The DA and its surrogates including established capital would
have achieved what they want: a docile working class with no organizational
muscle to fight!

This call is by no means connected to the call for flexible labour laws in
order to strengthen the hand of the employers in the workplace. Opposition
parties must also learn that they cannot impose their perspectives to the
ruling party so that there is policy change according to their own image as
though they are in power. Let them win power and therefore tailor-make
policies according to what they represent. We must call for ANC MP's to just
kill this intention as early as now in the Portfolio committee.

*Khaye Nkwanyana
Deputy National Secretary of the Young Communist League*

-- 
Gugu Ndima
+27 76 783 1516

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