Issue 6, Vol 2: 24 March 2011 *In this issue:*
- Commissars Notes: Part 2: SASCO Summoned to answer at the Bar of History: We want free education not Nzimande's head - Yet<http://www.sasco.org.za/show.php?include=pubs/moithuti/2011/issue6.html#one> - Viewpoint: Ntuthuko Makhombothi: Signing the cheque to Free Education, No Blank Cheque to ANC<http://www.sasco.org.za/show.php?include=pubs/moithuti/2011/issue6.html#two> [image: Commissar's Notes]Commissar's Notes Part 2: SASCO Summoned to answer at the Bar of History: We want free education not Nzimande's head - Yet Whilst we - YCL and SASCO - are bickering about the (in)capacity of the Minister of Higher Education in running the Department, thousands of students, this year alone, were spewed into the streets by an education system to which money talks and everything else walks. These students now sit at home, in their backyards watching the sunrise and set, unemployed and perhaps unemployable. This also explains the energy many of them displayed - joining energetically and without reservation - in their thousands, to participate in the SASCO Free Education Marches of the past weeks. To thousands of young people whose lives have, as a result of financial exclusions, reached a dead end, this wrangling is nothing but political grandstanding and does nothing to resolve their day to day problems. Leadership is actually losing the plot here, and I suspect that is exactly what was intended by the YCL statement: to shift us from the real goalposts: free education, into questioning each others' bona fides as they encourage when they attempt to isolate some in the SASCO. Rather than spend time chasing each others' shadows, we should take our battles to the real arena of class struggle and fight for free education and indeed socialism. The majority of these young people - whose lives have reached a dead end - sprout from working class backgrounds. To them, the very notion that free education will have to be progressively introduced as the ANC and Nzimande suggests actually means the legalization of their day to day exclusion from the higher education landscape until the day free education is free for all: when that day would be, neither they, the ANC nor the Department of Higher Education knows. By the way, if this had been made clear, maybe we would have never marched but would have negotiated the date of completion of this "progressive introduction of free higher education". The patronising manner in which this very notion of "progressively introducing free education" is introduced is not just shocking, but saddening. It is as though we are not talking about people here, but stones with no feelings, no frustrations and no immediate socio-economic problems. The dominant refrain from both the Ministry and the ANC is that anything else is not "feasible". There are no funds, we are told. The opposite was argued when the government had to spend billions on soccer stadiums, who now relatively sit as white elephants. Never before had we seen the state so decisive and efficient as when we had to meet FIFA deadlines, whilst now scapegoat-hunting, cowardice and sheer carelessness is the order of the day, as one SASCO statement pointed out. This mealy-mouthed excuse of lack of funds is most irksome. It completely ignores the fact that if government would be decisive - as Eskom did with sky-high tariffs - and impose an education tax on all South Africans that earn top-notch salaries, increase sin tax and heavily tax companies that rake billions from the South African economy the very notion of lack of funds would dissipate into thin air. The absence of funds is used to camouflage the fact that government, rather than increase taxation on the elite, it has been awarding it with tax holidays which thus far have not resulted in employment creation as has been the misguided hope of the state. The indifference of the leadership to the urgency of this betrays their ignorance of what has caused revolutions elsewhere - from the French Revolution to the recent uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt. There, as seems to be the case here, the elites were so content with their own accumulation such that they started to take the day to day problems facing the working class for granted: as things that can wait. This caused a huge rupture and as they say, the rest is history. Without bordering on hyperbole, the situation of the youth in South Africa puts us at the brink of an uprising. Just look at the spontaneous uprisings by young people under the banner of "service delivery protests", increasing like mushrooms after rainfall. To create an explosive mix out of this all that is needed is a coherent political movement that can knit together the different political waves and we would have an explosive situation in our hands. Either working class organizations are at the forefront of these or they choose to be on the wrong end of working class anger and be swept off the political surface together with the ruling elite they join. Rather than focus on the fundamentals, the debate has centred on whether this is not a plot to isolate Nzimande: present him as a failure and contest him in the SACP conference. To be fair, the possibility of those that harbour those views riding the wave of discontent is quite possible. But should working class struggles be shelved in order to strengthen Nzimande's position in the Party? Any serious revolutionary would be aware that the abandonment of one's strategic objectives because they are tactically embarrassing is opportunism. Whether or not there is a conspiracy to isolate Nzimande, that is neither here nor there, the issue here is that our expectation is that as a communist he should be agitating in Cabinet that working class issues should be resolved with immediate effect. This is an essential tenet of the struggle for socialism, hence we expect comrade Nzimande to leave no stone unturned in mobilizing society for the achievement of this goal. It should not just be comrade Nzimande for that matter, but every communist wherever they are, including us in the student movement. Maybe we are wrong to have such high expectations from a communist Minister. Our firm view is that a Christian does not cease to fear God just because they are not inside a church, at the same time; we expect that a communist, wherever he goes, he should always advance the interests of the working class. Maybe, comrade Nzimande has fought too many battles in Cabinet, is tired and has even begun to understand the bureaucracy of the capitalist state. By the way, as an organization we have never said Nzimande must resign. This does not suggest that when we are gatvol we will never say this. But we have just never said it. We have many reasons why we have not - certainly not yet - arrived at such a conclusion. It is possible that in his term, we may never call for his head, but is also possible that we can reach boiling point, but for now, we have not called for him to leave. Why then the myriad of accusations. These accusations completely ignore the fact that we have already said elsewhere: Nzimande "is one of the most active, energetic and responsive ministers of the whole Zuma government. He is probably the best minister in the Education cluster since the dawn of democracy". Whose words are these? - The YCLSA in one of its energetic sprees praising Blade Nzimande for a job well done. - The ANC defending one of its Ministers under attack from the DA. - Or the "anti-communist" student movement that is the tacitly "admitting that it organized" Nzimande's "heckling and booing" as the YCL accuses us? This is SASCO, because we do not hesitate to give praise where it is due but the fact of the matter is that even the best in their trade can err and cause disasters. Our criticism should not be taken in conspiracy mode, its merits and demerits must be taken without it being tested against the already existing climate of mutual suspicion and even malice generated by our battles with the Sushi elite. Let the discourse remain on the question of Free Education. Let our eyes remain firmly on the ball of Free Education. Surely, our answering sessions at the bar of history, such that historians as they look at us, here in the present, they are left with no doubt that we never allowed unnecessary squabbles to defocus us. Let history be the judge, whether we acted as rented agents in a conspiracy, or we were revolutionaries whose endless efforts were scorned by reformists who wanted to mask their selling out by accusing us of all manner of things. *Lazola Ndamase is Secretary General of SASCO* [image: Zuko Godlimpi]Viewpoint: Signing the cheque to Free Education, No Blank Cheque to ANC *Ntuthuko Makhombothi* *Introduction* The African National Congress has throughout its existence fought for the voice of the people to prevail, it has fought for the creation of a democratic state and democratic society that will achieve the fundamental principal of the freedom charter, the people shall govern. The Strategy and Tactics document of the ANC states*; "The Freedom Charter is our vision of the type of society we struggled for and which we seek to build- it is our lodestar."* The Freedom Charter states clearly that the doors of learning and culture shall be open for all. This we shall use as a basis for our argument in this article, as we try and understand the ANC and its vision for education, particularly higher education and training. The ANC at its National General Council in Durban said; *"Access to quality education for all is critical not only to economic and social development, but also a key instrument of social mobility and addressing inequality. Unless we are able to tackle this head-on today, we will continue to subject the majority of poor (and black) children and youth to inferior education, keeping them trapped in the poverty cycle and in effect reproducing the apartheid unskilled labour force trajectory."* The ANC is correct in its discussion document and we must appreciate that there exists acknowledgement of the importance of quality education in the ruling party. However we need to also have a quarrel with the ANC on this important question of education. It must be said that it sometimes becomes difficult to find articulations of the ANC on Higher Education and Training. This we say not to disregard the importance of basic education, but make mention because the ANC itself has adopted progressive resolutions on both basic and higher education. *Polokwane Resolves* Looking back at the 51st National Congress of the ANC in Stellenbosch, the ANC hardly produced a clear resolution on how to approach the education question. The ANC did however note that; *"The present education system does not prepare the youth adequately to enter the mainstream economy."* This acknowledgement may be important but it does not change the system of education. Pre-Polokwane the ANC had not prioritized education; there was not a clear focus on education. Ministers changed the basic education system as they wished and there was no clear picture of how we were going to achieve the goal of the freedom charter of a People's Education for People's Power. No matter how many strikes that took place across the country in our institutions of Higher Education and training, the government of the ANC could not tell South Africans that tomorrow would be better then today. Towards the 52nd National Congress of the ANC, the student movement lead by its vanguard organisation SASCO, lead a campaign to lobby for progressive resolutions on education. Before the Polokwane Congress the ANC held its Policy Conference at Gallagher Estate, SASCO actively engaged at the commission on Social Transformation, this is where the ANC recommended the following; - The no fee schools be expanded or declare free education until higher education level. - The ANC to focus rigorously on the quality of education - Education must be prioritized as one of the most important programmes for the next five years. - The Establishment of the National education evaluation and development unit for purposes of monitoring evaluation and support. - An ANC conference on education be convened before the 52nd National Conference. These resolutions were reached as a result of the struggles SASCO had been engaged in for years. SASCO in all provinces had the responsibility now to go to ANC PGC's and make sure that they adopt these recommendations on education, and continue to lobby for other progressive resolutions. Polokwane arrived, as much as others were focused on the leadership battle; the Congress was able to resolve progressively on Free Quality Education for the poor until undergraduate level. This resolution was epoch making, it was the results of a long struggle waged by our forebears and needed to be celebrated more than the victory of Jacob Zuma. *Post Polokwane Reality* The ANC separated education in to two departments in order to give more focus on basic education, as the ministry tended to focus more on Higher Education, according to the ANC. But the reality is that this separation has not achieved much for us, we still have poor students being rejected by Universities because they cannot afford tuition. Registration fees are increasing annually in institutions of Higher education and the new department of Higher Education and Training is not available to address these issues. All we have seen from the department was a continuous appointment of committees and summits, whose resolutions and recommendations do not find expression anyways. The Minister of Higher Education and Training Dr Blade Nzimande, formed a committee lead by Professor Marcus Balintuli, to review the National Financial Aid Scheme, this was met with applause by all stakeholders. The recommendations of the committee were epoch making indeed. Free Education up until undergraduate level for the poor and working class was recommended. A loan for those termed as the ‘missing middle', those who do not qualify for NSFAS but cannot afford education, was recommended. This loan will go to children of public servants and those working for the private sector who earn between R120 000 and R300 000 pa. First entry students would apply directly to the NSFAS Board for funding and would be awarded financial aid vouchers to these students. Students would then be allowed to register in institutions with these vouchers, which would mean they are funded, and be able to access education. The progressive introduction of free education would start to be rolled out in 2011 according to these recommendations. This was received with open hands by all of us and we celebrated maybe too soon, because these resolutions would disappear within the bureaucracy of the state. The ANC has again gone to its National General Council and reaffirmed Polokwane resolutions on education. But more interestingly the 2011 January 8 statement, where the President of the ANC Jacob Zuma, declared that; *"With effect from 2011, students who are registered in a public university in their final year of study and who qualify for funding from the National Financial Aid Scheme, will receive a loan equivalent to the full cost of study, which is the full fee and necessary living expenses. If these students graduate at the end of the year, the loan for the final year will be converted to a full bursary. They will not have to repay the amount." *The pronouncement also stated that students who qualify for financial aid, who study in FETs will be exempted completely from paying fees. This noticeable the most difficult part of the address for the President to read, but to many it was also the most progressive pronouncements in a January 8 Statement post liberation. We however did not make the same mistake of shouting revolution before we could hold the ANC to its commitment. As much as many welcomed this pronouncement, it however only speaks to those students who already have financial aid. It does not talk about a student who does not have NSFAS. This pronouncement does not also address the problematic question of access to education. First entry students are not covered, meaning that again in 2011 students continue to be rejected by Universities. The post Polokwane dispensation has been characterized by lack of leadership in the Ministry of Higher Education and Training to progressively transform this sector. Secondly, the continued appointment of business people to councils of Universities by the Minister, has affirmed our view that institutions continue to advance the interest of the privileged few, whilst not being responsive to the challenges faced by the majority of our working class and poor. Thirdly, institutions are more than before suppressing the views of students by banning political activity and unconstitutionally suspending SRC. These institutions should be the centers of free dialogue and expression, but under the watch of the Minister they have become apartheid museums, upholding apartheid doctrines. Fourthly, the Minister has continued to defend Vice Chancellors who have installed themselves as untouchable dictators who have the backing of government. *National Democratic Revolution* The NDR recognizes the intersection and dialectical connection between the struggle against race, class and gender oppression. Racial exploitation characterizes the dominant contradiction of our society, whilst the basic contradiction is that one of class and arguably, the gender oppression. The strategic objective of the NDR is therefore seen as the creation of a non-racial, non-sexist, prosperous and democratic society. This means the emancipation of Africans in particular and blacks in general from political and economic bondage. The question that begs to be answered is who is advancing this National Democratic Revolution in institutions of higher learning and training. The Strategy and Tactics of the ANC adopted at the 52nd National Conference states that as part of the motive forces of the NDR, we have the middle strata, which constitutes a critical resource for the NDR. The S&T states that the intelligentsia and professionals are critical components of the revolution. But this section of society has not been organized by the movement, instead of playing a critical role in advancing the revolution. They have chosen rather to be the enemies of the revolution, using every available opportunity to dismiss the National Democratic Revolution, preaching its irrelevance and advancing neo-liberal thinking in society. The ANC has always defined itself as the movement that ‘balances' the interests of the of the black bourgeoisie and the black working class, while at the same time it remains a working class bias mass movement. This definition is at most times confusing and problematic, the interests of the working class will always seek to negate the narrow interest of the bourgeoisie (black and white), of profit maximisation through the continued super exploitation of the working class. Students have remained the only voice that has struggled for the transformation of higher education and training. As SASCO our vision for a transformed education system is located within the NDR and underpinned by the following principals; - Equality - Democracy - Non-racialism - Non-sexism - Redress Workers in institution of higher education and training particularly and workers in general have not really come to the forefront of fighting for transformation of higher education. Workers are the ones who pay the fees and who stand to benefit in quality free education, but have rather been passive in their support for SASCO's struggle of free quality education. Education remains the hope for a developmental state that the National Democratic Revolution seeks to advance. Critical to this is Free Education for the working class and poor, which are the primary motive forces of the revolution. The current slow paced introduction of free education cannot be justifiable in South Africa; this makes us to really question whether Education is really a priority to our ANC lead government. *Signing the Cheque to free quality education* The South African Students' Congress has continued to deliver the ‘student vote' to the ANC since 1994. SASCO has continued to give a blank cheque to the ANC, meaning that we shall vote ANC but it is the ANC that will determine whether or not to deliver on its education commitments. This has proven to be an unfruitful exercise for SASCO has it has been short changed by the ANC in terms of delivery. As we have attempted to show above that the ANC has taken resolution on education and free education more specifically, it has failed to deliver to students. As we commit ourselves once again to delivering the student vote to the ANC, we need to make it clear that we want the ANC to deliver Free Quality Education. The mere rolling in of payment exemption for final year student who are already on NSFAS cannot be accepted as progressive introduction of free education. Actually we hope that this is not just a strategy to mobilize votes for the upcoming Local Government Elections. To us free education should be progressively phased in by firstly opening equal access to education for the children of the poor and working class. The mere exemption of final years while first year students continue to be refused access because of lack of funding is not progressive nor is it phasing in free education. The ANC must implement the recommendation of the NSFAS Ministerial Review Committee, which clearly speaks about introduction of equal access and free education till undergraduate level for children of the working class and poor. It further speaks to the introduction of a loan for children of the lower earning middle class. SASCO should clearly demand that the cheque for students vote should be signed to Free Quality Education for the working class and poor. *Conclusion* It remains important for SASCO to continue demanding free education and the transformation of Higher Education and training. The Free Education marches that SASCO has been engaged in are fundamentally important for the following; - Holding the ANC accountable for its commitment to quality Free Education - Raise Consciousness of Students, workers and society in general - Organize and mobilize students behind SASCO's vision of a transformed Higher Education and training landscape - Leading the struggle toward the realization of Free Quality Education We have achieved a lot over the past 20 years as SASCO, from the introduction of TEFSA, NSFAS and the adoption of Free Education at Polokwane. The best 20th Anniversary gift to SASCO would be the implementation of the NSFAS review recommendations, of progressive introduction of free quality education for the working class and poor. This article was written by Ntuthuko Makhombothi, former provincial secretary of SASCO in KZN, who is currently a member of SASCO at the Westville Branch. *Reference:* - ANC 52nd National Congress Resolutions, Polokwane 2007 - ANC Policy Conference Recommendations, Pretoria 2007 - ANC 51st National Conference, Stellenbosch 2002 - ANC National General Council Report, Durban 2010 - ANC Strategy and Tactics, 2007 - NSFAS Review Committee Report, 2010 - SASCO NEC, Fee Education campaign, 2011 - SASCO Strategic Perspective on Transformation, Series 5 - Freedom Charter, 1955 -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. You don't have to put anything in the message part. 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