Very good piece Cde Siphelo;

I would however seek to localize the questions and ask, how does the scholars 
words mean for the African at home and that in the Diaspora?

Regards


Sent from my BlackBerry® wireless device

-----Original Message-----
From: Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]>
Sender: [email protected]
Date: Fri, 13 May 2011 22:38:41 
To: <[email protected]>
Reply-To: [email protected]
Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Lessons from Frantz Fanon’s Wre
        tched of the Earth: 50 years on...

 ANC Today 
 
 
 Lessons from Frantz Fanon’s Wretched of the Earth: 50 years on...
   
   
 Siphelo Ngcwangu, ANC Today, 13 May 2011
   
 ‘History teaches us clearly that the battle against colonialism does not run 
straight away along the lines of nationalism’ these are the prophetic words 
which open the famous chapter on ‘Pitfalls of National Consciousness’ in 
Fanon’s classic book The Wretched of the Earth. 
   
 The book became a treatise for revolutionary consciousness and remains one of 
the most outstanding critiques of both the colonial and neo-colonial edifice 
that shaped African society since the 20th Century. Fanon analyses the role of 
class, race <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racialism> , national culture and 
violence in the struggle for national liberation. 
   
 The year 2011 marks the 50th Anniversary of the book’s publication. The 
history of the ANC is intertwined with both anti-colonial and post-colonial 
struggles, Fanon touches on matters ranging from the role of the middle classes 
within developing countries (or the comprador bourgeoisie), the importance of 
national culture, questions of violence, the role of native intellectuals and 
more importantly how issues such as Xenophobia manifest themselves throughout 
the periods of colonization and post-colonization. 
   
 Fanon cautions against racial essentialism and bigotry by referring to the 
wider community of oppressed people and not exclusively to black society, an 
issue the ANC emphasizes by pursuing the goal of a non-racial society. The 
post-independence moment in Africa has brought with it numerous contradictions 
and challenges many of which centre around the structure of economic systems 
and the challenges of uneven development. 
   
 The triumph of the liberation movements of the 1950s and 1960s signified the 
beginning of a new dawn for Africa. However, the postcolonial states still had 
to battle the hegemony of the bourgeois of the former colonial countries. The 
consolidation of the capitalist elite combined with the active participation of 
the ‘national bourgeois’ perpetuated this historically parasitic relationship. 
   
 In a remark that remains strikingly relevant even today Fanon says: 
   
 “The young national bourgeoisie is often more suspicious of the regime that it 
has set up than are the foreign companies. The national bourgeoisie refuse to 
invest in its own country and behaves towards the state that protects and 
nurtures it with, it must be remarked, astonishing ingratitude” (Wretched of 
the Earth; 139). 
   
 This should sound very relevant to ANC cadres particularly as both our 
industrial and macro-economic policies should be geared towards growing our 
economy in South Africa while also increasing development. 
   
 In that process, do we still need to look at the question of the growth of a 
local bourgeoisie that is not inherently parasitic in its relations with the 
state? Does our current policies promote the growth of such a localized 
bourgeoisie? In interfacing with international Capital, is there an explicit 
goal of ‘localizing’ capital in order to ensure future sustainability and 
relative sovereignty of our society? 
   
 If we are considering all these issues the next (and logical) question is how 
do such discussions inform the broader discussion of building a National 
Democratic society in South Africa? 
   
 Political parties in Africa have long been criticized for losing ‘touch’ with 
the masses or developing a ‘distance’ from the masses. Commentators often 
overlook it that Fanon explicitly views the orientation of political parties as 
essentially Western, resulting in the contemptuous attitude towards the masses. 
   
 In his own words he says; “In order to arrive at this conception of the party, 
we must above all rid ourselves of the very Western, very bourgeois, and 
therefore very contemptuous attitude that the masses are incapable of governing 
themselves. In fact, experience proves that the masses understand perfectly the 
most complicated problems”. 
   
 ANC branches are a clear expression of this direct contact with the masses not 
just for procedural reasons but also as an important part of participatory 
democracy. This is why the ANC teaching that branches are ‘the basic unit of 
the organization’ is so important. 
   
 The African Renaissance would never be a possibility if the masses are not 
conscious architects of their own destiny through their own purposeful and 
conscious actions. There have been protracted discussions amongst scholars 
about the ‘consciousness’ of the masses and the need for revolutionary parties 
to insert political ideology to their actions. 
   
 This discourse can be traced as far back as the writings of Vladimir Lenin in 
1922 on the ‘Role of Trade Unions: Under the New Economic Policy in Russia’ and 
Rosa Luxembourg’s 1906 piece on ‘Mass Strike, a Historical and not an 
artificial product’ in which she seeks to clarify the importance of the 
diversity of the working class. 
   
 Interestingly Fanon departs from the traditional Marxist focus on the 
industrial proletariat as the class that is sufficiently conscientised to lead 
the revolution. Instead Fanon maintains that it is the working class outside of 
industrial production and outside of the cities that has sufficient 
independence to successfully lead the revolution!! 
   
 Recent developments in North Africa are a stark reminder that popular 
resistance and mass mobilization still remain relevant tools of confronting 
pervasive undemocratic and authoritarian regimes many of whom have been 
buttressed by the active support of Western powers. What is largely unsaid but 
can and should be read between the lines is that the popular uprisings in North 
Africa cannot be narrowly defined along the dictum of ‘left’ and ‘right’ wing 
politics. 
   
 A wider confluence of social and class forces has emerged to oppose the basic 
character of undemocratic regimes in that region. However, it is the outcomes 
of such popular struggles that requires more attention because even such 
revolutions can reproduce reactionary social phenomenon if not guided by a 
progressive political ethos embedded within values of social solidarity and 
African unity. This is what brings me to another important aspect of Fanon’s 
writing, the issue of ‘National Culture’. 
   
 Fanon also concerned himself with the central role of national culture and how 
it contributes to the struggle for freedom. Fanon refers to three phases in the 
development of a national culture. He says in the first phase: the native 
intellectual gives proof that he has assimilated the culture of the occupying 
power. 
   
 This phase Fanon refers to as ‘unqualified assimilation’; in the second phase 
the native is disturbed and decides to remember what he is. Past happenings of 
the bygone days of his childhood will be brought up out of the depths of his 
memory; and in the third phase that Fanon calls ‘the fighting phase’ the native 
turns himself into the awakener of his people (pg: 178-179). It is within this 
discussion of ‘National Culture’ that Fanon reminds us that the role of the 
intellectual is to use the past in order to open the future as a basis of hope. 
   
 A consistent thread in The Wretched of the Earth is a critical debate about 
neo-colonialism a process which Colin Leys defines as ‘essentially a sys­tem of 
domination of the mass of the population of a country by foreign capital, by 
means other than direct colonial rule. By its nature such dominance requires 
the development of domestic class interests which are allied to those of 
foreign capital, and which uphold their joint interests in economic policy and 
enforce their dominance politically’. 
 
 Within the neo-colonialism process the middle classes of the homeland become 
the intermediaries between the national bourgeois and the bourgeois of the 
‘mother’ country. Students of dependency theory would realize that Fanon’s 
analysis is seminal in the understanding of post colonialism and the notion of 
dependency between the ‘core’ and the ‘peripheral’ countries. 
   
 The revolutionary consciousness encouraged by Fanon in Wretched of the Earth 
should be a reminder to activists across the political spectrum that the goal 
of national liberation was to strive for true freedom of the masses of our 
people and their emancipation from social bondage. The period of the 
publication of the Wretched of the Earth was followed by publications of other 
books that built on Fanon’s arguments throughout the late 1960s and early 1970s 
such as ‘How Europe Underdeveloped Africa’ by Walter Rodney and ‘The West and 
the Rest of Us: white predators, Black slavers, and the African elite’ by 
Chinweizu. 
   
 The real question that should be posed by ANC cadres after reading such 
literatures is: how do we characterize anti-imperialist struggles in the 
present conjuncture of globalisation and integration of economic systems? And 
what meaning do we attach to the notion of economic freedom in its wider sense? 
   
 By answering such questions we may be able to go beyond Fanon, Rodney, 
Chinweizu and others and posit new questions for anti-imperialist struggles in 
the 21st century. It is my hope that in the year of the 50th Anniversary of 
this important work we may look to Wretched of the Earth to heed the warnings 
made by Fanon and confront all forms of oppression wherever they manifest 
themselves. 
   
 Siphelo Ngcwangu is the interim convenor of the ANC Ward Task Team in Ward 70 
Centurion
   
 
  
 From: http://www.anc.org.za/docs/anctoday/2011/at17.htm#art2
  
 
 
 

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