A clear and honest speech, then watch an angry respnd from the Party. On 10/20/11, Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]> wrote: > * > COSATU > > COSATU Press Release, 20 October 2011* > ** > ** > *Zwelinzima Vavi’s Address* > ** > > *to the SADTU KwaZulu Natal Provincial Congress* > ** > *20 October 2011, Durban* > > > /Chairperson and Provincial Secretary > Members of the Provincial Executive Committee of SADTU > Members of the National Working Committee and National Executive Committee > Leadership of the Allied formations and all invited guests > Delegates to this congress / > > *Dearest comrades and friends, * > > I bring you revolutionary greetings from the leadership of the > Federation. I feel deeply honoured by your invitation to address the > biggest province of SADTU. > > As we address you today, matriculants all over the country are hard at > work, writing their exams. In 2009 the pass rate for KZN was 61%, and > it improved to 71% in 2010. We wish all our matriculants well and hope > that KZN continues on a winning streak. > > This improvement occurred against the backdrop of the public sector > strike. Teachers, having exercised their democratic right to strike, > returned to class and worked overtime and during weekends in 2010. The > results are there for anyone to see. Working together with the > Provincial Education Department under the leadership of Comrade Senzo > Mchunu, you comrades have done the working class proud. > > Today, comrades I want to speak frankly as I always do. I want to use > your congress to speak directly to the more than 2 million COSATU > members and hopefully touch base with the Allied formations. I have come > here because I want to urge all of us to go back to the basics > politically, or risk fragmenting this mighty movement into irrelevance. > > I want to specifically direct your attention to the difficult moment our > organisations and our revolution faces today. There is a poisoned > atmosphere of divisions and fast-forming cliques and cabals, > pigeonholing of unsuspecting individuals, innuendos, gossip, > backstabbing, character-assassination, political and even physical > assassinations. > > Increasingly everybody is looking to beef up personal security, not > because comrades fear to be assassinated by the right wing but because > of the seeds of mistrust that are now blossoming amongst us as comrades. > > This is the moment of slate politics and the winner takes all > philosophy, of sidelining talented individuals in favour of the weakest > just because they are on the ‘correct slate’. These divisions have made > us extremely tolerant of mediocrity and we celebrate the lowering of > standards, a time where double-speak and double standards reign supreme! > > Last week I was in the Rustenburg Court. Three comrades were appearing > in court for allegedly killing another comrade, Moss Phakoe. On the same > day, when I returned home I saw that also here in Durban a fellow is > suspected of killing the EThekwini Regional Secretary of the ANC, Sbu > Sibiya, the second comrade to have been killed recently. Eleven or more > comrades have been killed in Mpumalanga recently. In all of these cases > /ukufa kusembizeni./ Intolerance thrives and there is no one is who > listens to the other. It is time for nit-picking and analysing of every > statement so that every statement is misrepresented and individuals are > allocated to existing factions. > > Something is going wrong! It reflects a crisis in the movement. The > people we hate most today are not the enemy or the white monopoly > capital but one another. The people we spend more time talking ill about > are not our class enemies or those opposed to our revolution but another > comrade on another slate and in another clique. We use labels to shut > each other up in an attempt to discredit those who hold a different view. > > Unless we stand up we shall continue to go to funerals to bury comrades > where the person suspected of engineering the killing is the very one > delivering the keynote address in the funeral. We shall continue to > count comrades who fall by the wayside after sustained campaigns to > assassinate their character have succeeded in demobilising them and in > the process rob our revolution of yet another cadre who should be making > a contribution to building a better life for all. > > Today I want to remind our movement what we are about. I am calling on > all of us to go back to basics and rebuild our movement, or risk, let me > emphasize again, fragmenting the trade union movement and the left > forces. Eventually when we have devoured each other, there will be is > only one class celebrating – the class of the exploiters. > > Comrades and friends, the working class is in dire straits today. There > is no other area where this is most evident than in education – a site > of struggle that is very close to your hearts. > > Inequalities in basic education show themselves in terms of outcomes: > 70% of matriculation passes are accounted for by 11% of the schools, > which are historically White, Indian and Coloured > [1]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn1>. > The pass rate in African schools is 43% and the pass rate in White > schools is 97%. Schools with fees less than R20 per year have a pass > rate of 44%, and those with fees greater than R1000 per year have a pass > rate of 97% > [2]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn2>. > > > There is a close relationship between class and race inequalities in the > education system. Pupils per teacher in a class is estimated to be 31 > in African schools and 24 in White schools > [3]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn3>. > However, > the Department of Basic Education notes that 40% of schools and almost > 50% of schools in Mpumalanga have class sizes of more than 40 > [4]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn4>. > > > On average 400 000 young people leave the schooling system per annum, > with no opportunity for further training. These young people are > asking: where is the NDR? 60% of all the unemployed people have not > worked for the past five years or their entire lives. We know that the > overwhelming majority of those who are unemployed have less than grade > 7. If we don’t solve this unfolding crisis many will question the > relevance of the NDR. > > COSATU has responded to this unfolding crisis by getting a Basic > Education and Skills Accords signed at Nedlac. We have sought to answer > a fundamental question: what is the role of a revolutionary trade union > movement in solving this crisis? We have urged all our activists and > leaders to adopt schools and to eliminate dysfunctional schools as part > of our contribution to save the future of today’s generation. > > The task of SADTU is to set new records and ensure that by 2014, we have > 80% passes in this province. A pass must be above 50%, to ensure that > the success we attribute to our young people is not illusory, but > ensures that they get access to tertiary institutions so that they can > be further trained. > > This has to be part of defeating the agenda of the DA and other > conservatives who are on a campaign to vilify SADTU and isolate > organised workers from the broader working class. > > We have to ensure that the campaign to adopt and eliminate dysfunctional > schools is a success; we have the interests of the broader working class > in our hearts and, as Mao TseTung urged, we must “always represent the > fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people” and > that we must always be “modest and prudent” and “must always work hard > and continue to struggle”. > > Let me turn to the crisis of the socio economic conditions of the > working class, which have developed over 350 years of > colonialism. Colonialism changed over time, and transformed into > capitalist colonialism, which itself evolved into monopoly > capitalism. From the very beginning South African capitalism was based > on colonial subjugation and dispossession of the African people; it > perfected mechanisms to exploit African labour. The large corporations > and white monopoly capitalist enterprises are founded on the historical > process of colonial exploitation of African labour by the white > capitalist class. > > This economic relationship defines, in concrete terms, the most > fundamental relations upon which the ideological and political > superstructures of society rest. It explains the flow of resources among > classes, between racial groups and between men and women and feeds into > the ideological formations, especially racism. > > These power relations reveal themselves starkly when we look objectively > at the evolution of the socio-economic condition of the working class, > in which the overwhelming majority of the African people fall. > > Inequality should be viewed in three dimensions: a) income, b) access to > quality basic goods and services (water, electricity, healthcare, > education, public transport, etc.) and c) inequality of economic power, > i.e. ownership and control of the economy. > > In all of these, South Africa remains deeply colonial and > capitalist. If the NDR is the direct route to socialism there are > certain basic features that should characterise its economic policies, > because in such a revolution the working class is a leading force. > > Policies should be characterised by at least the following three > progressive features: a) a reduction in the rate of exploitation of > workers, b) an increase in collective forms of ownership of the means of > production, c) a reduction unemployment and poverty. > > Seventeen years after our 1994 democratic breakthrough income inequality > is still racialised, and has deepened within racial groups. An > average African man earns in the region of R2 400 per month, whilst an > average white man earns around R19 000 per month. Most white women earn > in the region of R9 600 per month, whereas most African women earn > R1 200 per month. White people earn an average of 8 times what Africans > earn. > > The Minister of Finance has acknowledged that 50% of the population > lives on 8% of national income in South Africa. Although there is no > official poverty line, 48% of South African individuals live below R322. > 15 million people rely on social grants for survival. 6 million workers > live on less than R10 a day. They in turn support on average an > additional 4 people in the household, which means that 30 million South > Africans live on less than R10 a day, which can barely buy one loaf of > bread). > > To repeat the words of Samora Machel, “/The rich man's dog gets more in > the way of vaccination, medicine and medical care than do the workers > upon whom the rich man's wealth is built/”. I always wonder what he > would say about the fact that the people of Mozambique had to resort to > riots to protest against the high price of bread. > > Inequalities in economic power are also worsening. The financial sector > is dominated by 4 large private banks (ABSA, Nedbank, FNB and Standard), > two of which have significant foreign ownership. Two firms dominate the > wholesale and retail trade sector: Shoprite and Pick n Pay, with 66% of > the market share. Things look even worse with Walmart in the picture. > > Manufacturing is dominated by petro-chemicals and iron and steel, > dominated by Sasol and Arcelor-Mittal. All these companies are white, > private, capitalist-owned and increasingly becoming foreign-owned. > > Housing reflects inequality. While almost 75% of the Indian population > and more than 80% of the White population live in houses with more than > 6 rooms, the figure for coloureds is 42% and for Africans 28%. 55% of > Africans live in houses with less than 3 rooms and 21% live in 1-room > houses. These material conditions of the working class spill over into > the progress of their children, especially in relation to their > education performance. > > In healthcare, only 9% of the African population belong to a medical aid > scheme whilst 74% of the white population do > [5]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn5>. > This is reflected in terms of life expectancy. A white person born in > 2009 expects to live for 71 years, whereas an African born in the same > year expects to live for 48 years - 23 years less. > This is the material foundation for the anger of the young people in our > democratic movement. They refuse to internalise and naturalise white > domination, which they know is fanned by white monopoly capitalism; they > know that without the destruction of white monopoly power through a > radical change in the property relations, the national democratic > revolution (NDR) will become more and more a thing of the past. > > Like the working class, they demand /economic freedom/ in their > lifetime. This principled call, which finds resonance in all those who > are genuinely committed to a struggle for total emancipation, is being > scoffed at by those who consider themselves above the masses, and see it > as a threat to their positions. > Youth unemployment and women marginalisation are realities facing us > today. Recently we have spoken about a ticking bomb that will eventually > explode, about the ring of fire surrounding our big cities. > > The struggles waged in Chatsworth, Tafelberg, Delft, Diepsloot, Warden, > Orange Farm, Alexandra and, Ficksburg share a common banner, inscribed: > “Capitalism is failing us – We want an alternative world!” > > Let us be reminded of what our trusted ally the ANC said in its Morogoro > conference strategy and tactics document: > > “Our nationalism must not be confused with chauvinism or narrow > nationalism of a previous epoch. It must not be confused with the > classical drive by an elitist group among the oppressed people to gain > ascendancy so that they can replace the oppressor in the exploitation of > the mass ……In our country – more than in any other part of the oppressed > world – it is inconceivable for liberation to have meaning without a > return of the wealth of the land to the people as a whole. It is > therefore a fundamental feature of our strategy that victory must > embrace more than formal political democracy.**To allow the existing > economic forces to retain their interests intact is to feed the root of > racial supremacy and does not represent even the shadow of liberation/”/ > > Our position derives from the material conditions of the working > class. It will be a major ideological error to take positions not on > the basis of these material conditions but on who is the head of the > state, the movement or the Party. The challenge we face in these trying > times is to remain faithful to the aspirations of the working class and > articulate their conditions of existence with a view to changing them, > but this will require /ideological clarity/ and /ideological struggle/. > > Our most urgent task is to do precisely what Marx and Engels said we > should do in the Communists Manifesto - to urgently raise the > consciousness of the proletariat so that it becomes a strong cohesive > force. > > The South African revolution, like all others, is based on universal > features, though with its specificities of course. So we must study what > comes of most revolutions immediately after the democratic breakthrough. > Quite often they suffer fatigue, reconfiguration of class forces and > demobilisation of popular consciousness. The revolutionary forces > inherit the instruments of power from the oppressive regime and adapt > them to the new conditions, without fundamentally changing them. > > They only moderate the excesses of the previous regime, but maintain the > essence of the old monopoly power structure, save for the new drivers of > that power structure, who must always justify why the masses must be > patient and understand the “complexities of change”, while they > disguise these ideas with radical-sounding rhetoric. > > There is massive evidence of trade unions, liberation movements and even > communist parties that failed the litmus test of class and popular > relevance at critical moments of the constantly changing revolutionary > phases. Our yardstick to measure our relevance, and in whose interests > are we speaking, must be the actual class of workers and the poor and > not abstract and imagined ideas taken from “classics” without relating > them to the actual battles of today. > > The duty of revolutionary forces is to remain at the forefront of the > revolutionary process, which requires constant baptisms of fire in > actual battles, renewal of ideas and practices, introspection and self > criticism, in line with the fundamental principles of the revolution. > > We need to guard against a tendency that seeks to liquidate the class > struggle in order to maintain individuals in certain positions in the > movement, and against attempts to stifle and cajole the working class > into agreeing with neoliberal positions, simply because we live in a > post-Polokwane period. > > Within our own ranks we need to consistently defend our principles and > remain consistently loyal to the decisions of our organisation. Failure > by some to ensure an effective mobilisation of members to free the > working class from the modern day slavery of the human traffickers we > call labour brokers is an example we must make about this steadfast > adherence to struggle of the working class. > > Amilcar Cabral, one of the most respected African revolutionaries, > reminded all national liberation movements that we must /“Always bear in > mind that the people are not fighting for ideas, for the things in > anyone's head. They are fighting to win material benefits, to live > better and in peace, to see their lives go forward, to guarantee the > future of their > children.”*[6]*<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn6>/ > > We should all take Frantz Fanon’s warning seriously, that /“The... > unemployed man [and woman] who never find employment do not manage, in > spite of public holidays and flags, new and brightly-coloured though > they may be, to convince themselves that anything has really changed in > their lives. The bourgeoisie who are in power vainly increase the number > of processions; the masses have no illusions. They are hungry; and the > police officers, though now they are Africans, do not serve to reassure > them particularly. The masses begin to sulk; they turn away from this > nation in which they have been given no place and begin to lose interest > in > it.”*[7]*<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn7>/ > > No amount of shouting of revolutionary slogans will blind the masses to > the reality that the NDR continues to produce billionaires and wealthy > capitalists, whilst the majority of the people still live in squalor. > Only the genuine improvement of the material conditions of the working > class will determine whether the working class will continue to vest its > confidence in the ANC in the 2014 elections and beyond. > > Our preoccupation must be about the material conditions facing the > working class. If a day ends, and worse a week comes to end, without any > of us being able to answer a question – “what am I doing to change the > material conditions of the working class?” – then all of us must take > responsibility for what will happen to our revolution. > > Failure to recognise this, and ensure that indeed the condition of the > working class in South Africa is improved, is tantamount to certifying > the death of the liberation movement. As the leadership of the organised > section of the working class, it is our duty to be pupils of the masses, > whilst at the same serving as their teachers. As a revolutionary > teachers’ union, I am certain that SADTU understands this notion fairly > well. > > Dear comrades, the factionalism, patronage networks, and the political > relations cemented by money and business ties in our movement today, and > the blatant corruption committed by some of our public representatives > and servants can no longer be hidden away. > > It is our duty as a revolutionary trade union federation to expose and > isolate elements that seek to enrich themselves from the labour and > hardships of the people. We must never be caught in the trap of allowing > personal friendships and family relationships to stand in the way of > taking up principled battles against corruption and patronage in our > organisations. > > As a trade union federation that believes in the inevitability of > socialism, and as communists, we must never be threatened into silence > when we see the triumph of individualism and selfishness amongst the > leadership and membership of our Alliance formations. It is time to > reinstate the centrality of the organisation and not the individuals. > > Liu Shaoqi of the Communist Party of China taught us a valuable lesson > when he said that “/Some people habitually place their personal > interests above those of the Party when it comes to practical matters; > they are preoccupied with personal gain and loss and always calculate in > terms of personal interests; they abuse the public trust, turning their > Party work to private advantage of one kind or another; or they attack > comrades they dislike and wreak private vengeance, on high-sounding > pretexts of principle or Party interests.”/ > > This quote is extremely relevant to us today, when it is increasingly > becoming normal to shout from the roof tops when those we consider our > enemies are found with their hands in the cookie jar, and yet to bury > our heads in the sand when those politically close to us or whom we > perceive as critical players in our political game plans misuse the > public purse for their personal business, and spit in the faces of the > millions of people who vote for the ANC out of the hope and trust that > it will lead them out of their misery and destitution. > > Let me reiterate that the biggest threat we face today is the > intersection and overlap between leadership and business. Leadership > must choose between being businesspersons or public servants. Where > leaders have families involved in business (and they as individuals have > a right to be in business) we have made a call that they must at all > costs avoid a conflict of interest. > > If you are in a trade union don’t allow your family to do business with > trade unions. If you are in government don’t allow your family to do > business with the state. I will always abide by this policy and call on > all our leadership not to fall foul of these principles. > > Let me take this further. When the ANCYL President can’t explain how he > has suddenly become so rich as to afford to destroy a R3.6 million house > and build another one much bigger one costing millions more, and when > details of a Ratanang trust are published – all of us issue statements > to demand an investigation. But when the Public Protector publishes a > report, after investigation, implicating ministers who apparently form > part of the factions we belong to, there is deafening silence from some > of us. Are we really that incapable of using our moral compass in > dealing with these issues? > > Comrades, let me remind you that such double standards are the exact > opposite of communist ethics and morality! As Liu Shaoqi taught us, > Communists should always be /“firm, strict and principled.” /Communists > never/ “give way on matters of principle ... and are particularly > contemptuous of adulation and flattery as contrary to all principle.”/ > > “/Communists oppose all unprincipled struggles; they do not let > themselves become involved in such struggles and are not swayed or > affected by irresponsible or casual criticism made behind their backs as > to depart from principle, become incapable of thinking calmly or lose > their > composure”/[8]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftn8> > > Communists always desist from trailing individuals. They refuse to > become prisoners to personal loyalties but are always willing to become > willing slaves of the only revolutionary class in our society – the > working class! > > Let me comment on some issue that in this poisoned environment has led > to unnecessary controversy. At a press conference on Walmart, an SABC > journalist out-of-the-blue asked a question far removed from the topic > of the press conference: Does COSATU support the demands of the ANCYL > which they will be making in the marches scheduled for the 27 and 28 > October 2011. We responded positively to say – yes we support most of > their demands. > > The journalist proceeded to ask another question: Will you form part of > the marches? We answered that the ANCYL has requested meetings with the > leadership of COSATU to solicit support for their programme of action. > Subject to these discussions we see no reason why we should not support > them when most of their demands are identical to ours. > > The journalist asked: What if some of them in the leadership use these > legitimate demands of the young people to advance political demands such > as for change of leadership or to influence leadership contests in > Mangaung? We responded to say we are disassociating ourselves from such > moves and that, yes, it is possible that some in the leadership may be > holding such thoughts. > > This remains our position today! Let us emphasize the principle - that > COSATU supports all efforts by any section of the oppressed to highlight > their plight through peaceful demonstrations. When we also hold marches > we seek support and participation of the youth and all formations that > identify themselves with the plight of the working class. We call on the > ANCYL to ensure that their demonstrations are peaceful and orderly. > > In particular we are concerned that the chaos we saw outside Luthuli > House, when their members went to demonstrate in support of their > leadership, must not be repeated. We call on the police to take stern > action against anyone fomenting violence and disorder. We call on the > ANCYL to ensure that they stick to the issues of youth empowerment and > not use the march for narrow factional battles. > > Comrades, the political task of the working class at this conjuncture > requires a stern commitment to principle. Our Central Committee tasked > us to “defend the leadership collective elected in the ANC 52^nd > National Conference against those who have from inception launched > campaigns to put this leadership on the a back foot and who have > undermined their authority”. > > Our Central Committee was also clear that COSATU should not become an > uncritical supporter of the current leadership in the ANC and > government. We will resist any attempts to be drawn into factional > battles for narrow factional goals. When the time is right, we expect > the members of all Alliance components to assess the performance of the > current Alliance leadership. > > Our duty, as a mighty federation that refuses to occupy spectator seats > in the class struggle, is to always judge leadership according to the > interests of the working class. > > Comrades in closing let me leave you with these powerful words from Mao > TseTung: Always remember that we “/Communists are like seeds and the > people are like the soil. Wherever we go, we must unite with the people; > take root and blossom among them.”/ > > I wish you a successful congress, robust in debate and instructive in > discussion. > > > *Patrick Craven (National Spokesperson) > Congress of South African Trade Unions > 1-5 Leyds Cnr Biccard Streets > Braamfontein > 2017 > > P.O.Box 1019 > Johannesburg > South Africa > > Tel: +27 11 339-4911/24 > Fax: +27 11 339-5080 <tel:%2B27%2011%20339-5080> / 6940 > Mobile: +27 82 821 7456 <tel:%2B27%2082%20821%207456> > E-Mail: [email protected] <mailto:[email protected]> > * > ------------------------------------------------------------------------ > [1]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref1>G. > Barnard. 2009. Realizing South Africa’s Employment Potential. OECD > Working Paper 662. > [2]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref2>Servaas > Van der Berg. 2007. Apartheid’s Enduring Legacy: Inequalities in > Education. Journal of African Economies 16, No.5. > [3]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref3>H. > Bhorat and M. Oosthuizen. 2006. Determinants of Grade 12 Pass Rates. > DPRU, University of Cape Town. > [4]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref4>Department > of Basic Education. 2011. Macro-Indicator Trends in Schooling: A Summary > Report. > [5]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref5>General > Household Survey, 2009. > [6]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref6> > Amilcar > Cabral, Tell no Lies, Claim No Easy Victories, 1965. > [7]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref7> > [8]<https://mail.google.com/mail/html/compose/static_files/blank_quirks.html#_ftnref8> > -- > > -- > You are subscribed. 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