Analysis: Fifth Congress of the SA Communist Party *Nathi Mthethwa*
*On January 8, the ANC will celebrate 100 years of existence. This series of ongoing articles outlines its revolutionary history. The series will be published regularly in The New Age until January 8, 2012.* There was perhaps no other time in our history prior to this congress when the South African Communist Party played such a seminal role in the unfolding of the struggle as in the year 1962. The congress developed and adopted a programme called The Road to South African Freedom. The fifth congress of the Communist Party will go down in history as a gathering that helped to define the theoretical framework of our revolution. It defined the connection of our revolution to the broad movement of African decolonisation, a process spearheaded by Africans themselves. It helped to define our economic, social and political systems as one of colonialism of a special type, distinguishing our experience of colonialism from the classical colonialism experienced in the rest of the world. In defining our situation, the programme said: “South Africa is not a colony, but an independent state. Yet masses of our people enjoy neither independence nor freedom. “The conceding of independence to South Africa by Britain in 1910 was not a victory over the forces of colonialism and imperialism. It was designed in the interests of imperialism. “Power was transferred, not into the hands of the masses of people of South Africa, but into the hands of the white minority alone. The evils of colonialism, insofar as the black majority was concerned, were perpetuated and reinforced. “A new type of colonialism was developed, in which the oppressing white nation occupied the same territory as the oppressed people themselves, living side by side with them. “On one level, that of ‘white South Africa’, there are all the features of an advanced capitalist state in its final stage of imperialism. “There are highly developed industrial monopolies and the merging of industrial and finance capital. The land is farmed along capitalist lines, employing wage labour, and producing cash crops for the local and export markets. “The South African monopoly capitalists who are closely linked with British, US and other foreign imperialist interests, export capital abroad, especially in Africa. “Greedy for expansion, South African imperialism reaches out to incorporate other territories – South West Africa and the Protectorates. “But on another level, that of ‘non-white South Africa’, there are all the features of a colony. The indigenous population is subjected to extreme national oppression, poverty and exploitation, lack of all democratic rights and political domination by a group which does everything it can to emphasise and perpetuate its alien ‘European’ character. “The African Reserves show the complete lack of industry, communications, transport and power resources which are characteristic of African territories under colonial rule throughout the continent. “Typical, too, of imperialist rule, is the reliance by the state upon brute force and terror, and upon the most backward tribal elements and institutions which are deliberately and artificially preserved. Non-white South Africa is the colony of white South Africa itself. “It is this combination of the worst features both of imperialism and of colonialism, within a single national frontier, which determines the special nature of the South African system. “This has brought upon its rulers the justified hatred and contempt of progressive and democratic people throughout the world. “This crisis can only be resolved by a revolutionary change in the social system, which will overcome these conflicts by putting an end to the colonial oppression of the African and other non-white people. “The immediate and imperative interests of all sections of the South African people demand the carrying out of such a change: a national democratic revolution, which will overthrow the colonialist state of white supremacy and establish an independent state of national democracy in South Africa. “The main content of this revolution is the national liberation of the African people. Its fulfilment is, at the same time, in the deepest interests of the other non-white groups, for in achieving their liberty, the African people will at the same time put an end to all forms of racial discrimination. “It is in the interests of the white workers, middle class and professional groups to whom the establishment of genuine democracy and the elimination of fascism and monopoly rule offers the only prospect of a decent and stable future. “The main aims and lines of the South African democratic revolution have been defined in the Freedom Charter, which has been endorsed by the ANC and the other partners in the national liberation alliance. “The Freedom Charter is not a programme for socialism. It is a common programme for a free, democratic South Africa, agreed on by socialists and non-socialists. “The Communist Party pledges its unqualified support for the Freedom Charter. It considers that the achievement of its aims will answer the pressing needs of the people and lay the indispensable basis for peace and social progress.” * Rivonia Arrests and Trial* Right from its inception on December 16, 1961, Umkhonto We Sizwe carried out acts of sabotage under the leadership of the high command. On July 11, 1963, the South African Police raided Liliesleaf farm, in Rivonia to the north of Johannesburg. Eight leaders of the high command were arrested. The police also captured a number of documents that were later used as evidence against the leadership. Among the leaders who were arrested were Walter Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Ahmed Kathrada, Raymond Mhlaba, Rusty Bernstein, Denis Goldberg, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni. All of them appeared in court in October of 1963, charged with 193 acts of sabotage committed between June 27, 1962 and the date of their arrests. Nelson Mandela as a commander in chief of Umkhonto We Sizwe was brought from Robben Island as accused number one. These acts of sabotage were alleged to be committed by members recruited by the accused, as members of the High Command. None of the accused refuted that they planned sabotage. Nelson Mandela said: “I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have love for violence. I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the whites.” All the Rivonia accused spoke up in defence of their actions; in defence of the movement; in defence of the aspirations of the people and gave full explanation of why they had taken such actions. *Nathi Mthethwa is a member of the national executive committee and of the national working committee of the ANC. He is also the Minister of Police.* -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. 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