where does the article comes from and who is the authur.Cde Matankana may you 
please advice this group.I am saying this because we do not want to engage in 
individuals petty politics.

--- On Wed, 11/23/11, matankana mothapo <[email protected]> wrote:


From: matankana mothapo <[email protected]>
Subject: Re: [YCLSA Discussion] Malema's misguided militancy
To: [email protected]
Date: Wednesday, November 23, 2011, 10:48 AM


Thanks Cde VC


On Wed, Nov 23, 2011 at 10:36 AM, Dominic Tweedie <[email protected]> 
wrote:



Thanks for posting this but comrade Matankana, it is always helpful, and it is 
polite to give "attribution", i.e. to say where it comes from.


In this case, I think it was Politicsweb.




VC











On 23 November 2011 10:32, matankana mothapo <[email protected]> 
wrote:





Malema's misguided militancy
Thembinkosi "Guerrilla" Zondi 
22 November 2011 

Thembinkosi Zondi says the claimed ANCYL constitutional amendments are a 
fiction 

Misguided Militancy is Suicidal&Counterrevolutionary: Genuine Economic Freedom 
Fighters Unite!
Perhaps, I should firstly acknowledge that the issues that I am about to raise 
here were supposed to be dealt with in formal structures of the ANC YL. However 
given the fact that the political and organisational situation is abnormal as 
signalled by a desperate assertion that "gloves are off", my intervention could 
equally be viewed as abnormal.
Having said the above I should state that this article's main argument is that 
misguided militancy, as displayed by what Lazola Damase correctly termed "petit 
bourgeois economic freedom fighters", is not only suicidal but it could also 
militate against a genuine second phase of the National Democratic Revolution.
This phase is all about translating political freedom to bringing sustainable 
food on the table, decent jobs, free and efficient basic health care, crime 
free society and free (in terms of fees and freeing the curriculum content from 
ideological biasness) and compulsory education. In summary, this phase is (in) 
famously referred to as economic freedom in our lifetime. This is a very 
serious and relevant phase.
What makes a genuine call for economic freedom in our lifetime to be more 
relevant is that while our ANC led government has achieved a lot but there are 
time-ticking bomb socio-economic challenges that needs to be addressed as a 
matter of urgency. For instance, 1 in 10 Africans are malnourished, 1 in four 
African children are undersized, around less than 45% of the total South 
African population lives on less than US$2 a day.
Additionally, the SA Stats Mid-Year 2010 Population Estimates noted that out of 
approximately 49, 9 million people in South Africa, almost 18 million of these 
are between the ages of 14 and 35. The National Treasury document on 
Confronting Youth Unemployment also observed that that the unemployed youth are 
generally less skilled and inexperienced with virtually 80% having no formal or 
tertiary education, whilst two thirds never worked.
Accordingly, the above stats make a call for a genuine economic freedom to be 
relevant. Hence genuine economic freedom fighters must unite to defend the long 
term goal of our struggle. The failure to rise up and fight against "petit 
bourgeois economic freedom fighters'" with a double agenda would make mockery 
of the very same second phase of the national democratic revolution that they 
ostensible claim to be advancing.
It is important to mention that the second phase of the struggle is not a 
creation of the current leadership of the ANC YL. The reason behind this is 
that the careful reading of both the history and the theory of the South 
African revolution would indeed confirm that economic freedom has always been a 
long term objective of the struggle. However the national question and national 
reconciliation including the unfavourable global and domestic balance of forces 
meant that there must be a strategic compromise on the radical agenda.
 It is a serious political indictment to note that even the most theoretically 
clear comrades have fallen trap to this glaring misguided militancy that would 
not only erode the core values of the African National Congress (a leader of 
our revolution).  By the way, it was the late Harry Gwala who, during the era 
of 1976 uprisings, correctly argued that while militancy of young people must 
be welcomed but misguided militancy is not only suicidal but it is also 
counterrevolutionary.
Cde Joel Netshitenzhe almost said the same thing when he correctly reminded us 
of the old maxim that revolutionary sounding slogans can at times be 
counterrevolutionary. The basis for this warning from these two struggle icons 
is that any revolutionary agenda must be informed by a careful analysis of 
material conditions prevailing at the time and rules of engagement must be a 
guide.
This means that any revolutionary action/s must not undermine the core values 
and principles of the African National Congress that has stood the test of 
times. These values and principles include: unity of tribes, respect for 
leadership, humility, self-respect, constructive criticism, democratic 
centralism, self-criticism, elected leadership, mandate and UNITY AND COHESION.
It is these principles and core values that should guide any militancy and 
revolutionary action hence some comrades would talk about 
revolutionary-disciplined militancy. This type of militancy takes into 
cognisance the core values and principles of the mother body (ANC). In fact, 
misguided militancy and the manipulation of congress resolutions are not only 
counterrevolutionary and suicidal but it also undermines our core values and 
principles.
For instance, the claim that the 24th National Congress of the ANC YL resolved 
that the YL is a vanguard of the working class and that Constitutional 
amendments included a clause preventing disciplinary outcomes of the ANC apply 
mutatis mutandis to suspended members of the ANC YL. Since I was sober as a 
judge, I can confirm the first issue was discussed and rejected and the second 
one did not even arise at the plenary.
For argument sake, even if it did some of us would not have allowed excitement 
and our principled initial genuine support for Juju to cloud our objective 
understanding of rule 7.4 of the ANC Constitution which correctly provides that 
"the Youth League will function as an autonomous body within the overall 
structure of the ANC, of which it will be an integral part, with its own 
Constitution, rules and regulations, provided that these SHALL NOT be in 
conflict with the Constitution and policies of the ANC".
Simply put, the ANC Constitutional is the supreme law under which all its 
Leagues must conduct its business including Constitutional amendments. This 
therefore means while enjoying a certain degree of autonomy but they are not 
independent from the ANC. For instance, this will mean that even the question 
of disbanding lower structures must be informed by established core values and 
principles. Hence it is out of order for higher structures of the Leagues to 
wake up from a ‘political power and otherwise hangover' and disband lowers 
structures that are fully functional and have both political and organisational 
growth like KwaZulu Natal.
By way of conclusion, it is also part of misguided militancy at its best form 
to justify current deliberate acts of ill-discipline and defiance of our ANC on 
the basis of past mistakes committed on the rough road to Polokwane 2007.  The 
failure by some former aspirant communists- who are now diehard Youth Leaguers- 
to read the forever changing material conditions going to Bloemfontein 
vindicates the view that indeed political consciousness does not bid farewell 
when it leaves you. Finally, genuine economic freedom fighters must unite and 
defend the ANC and what it stands for!
Thembinkosi "Guerrilla" Zondi, Moses Mabhida Region's KZ221 ward 3 ANC branch 
Secretary writing in his personal capacity. 
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