What does Floyd know???
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From: "Trevor Kekana" <[email protected]>
Sender: [email protected]
Date: Fri, 30 Mar 2012 09:42:54 
To: <[email protected]>
Reply-To: [email protected]
Subject: [YCLSA Discussion] Floyd Shivambu unplugged: M&G article

 

In December the ANC will have its 53rd national conference in Mangaung.
Almost all the media are speculating about what the real issues of focus
will be -- and those relating to leadership elections seem to be
elevated above all other issues. There is, however, an elephant in the
room. 

No one is paying significant attention to it, either because they are
oblivious or because they fear those with state power will suppress and
isolate them if they speak about this issue. At the risk of being
isolated and purged, I want to address the elephant in the room -- which
is the reality that President Jacob Zuma is accused of corruption and
has yet to have these allegations tested in court.

 

It is a matter of fact that the state, of which President Zuma is head,
has a prima facie case to which he should answer in a court of law. In
2009 the charges against him were withdrawn on the basis of the
gossiping and backchat of some senior National Prosecution Authority
(NPA) officials about whether President Zuma should be arrested before
or after the 52nd ANC national conference in Polokwane in 2007. 

These officials are not said to have concocted charges against President
Zuma. They are said to have discussed when he should be arrested and
brought before a court to respond to allegations that he illegally
exchanged monies with a shady individual, Schabir Shaik, who was
described by the prosecution as -having a "generally corrupt
relationship" with President Zuma. The high court's judgment was that
Shaik was guilty.

The Supreme Court of Appeal has been deciding whether a high court
review of the decision to drop charges could proceed. Whatever else can
be said, the reality is that the then acting national director of public
prosecutions, advocate Mokotedi Mpshe, shelved principle for political
convenience in 2009 as a result of political dynamics in the country. 
The ANC, its leagues and the alliance were unanimous that Jacob Zuma
should become president of South Africa and a majority in society
accepted that. For the sake of political convenience, which seemed to be
a principled intervention at the time, advocate Mpshe decided to
withdraw the charges -- not on the basis that President Zuma did not
commit the crimes, but on the basis that those prosecuting him were
gossiping about when to arrest him. It was the result of public pressure
from members and supporters of the ANC, including the commitment to "die
and take up arms to kill for Zuma" of ANC Youth League president Julius
Malema.

Now the people who were gossiping about when and how to bring President
Zuma to account are no longer in the NPA. Yet the fact that the state
has a case against him remains. 

Equality before the law
The ANC fought for political freedom on the non-negotiable principle
that all should be equal before the law. This found expression in the
Freedom Charter: "There shall be equal status in the bodies of the
state, in the courts and in the schools for all national groups and
races." 

The principle was reinforced in the Constitution of a democratic South
Africa. Those who drafted the Constitution deliberately avoided
"presidential immunity" because they had learned how that could make
leaders refuse to step down from office and opt for "aloota continua",
protected from prosecution.

As a test of our constitutional democracy, we should allow a court of
law to determine whether President Zuma violated the law or not. He
should voluntarily answer to the allegations. To protect the integrity
of our democracy, the ANC leadership should be exemplary in all matters
relating to the Constitution. 

If the ANC and its leadership undermine the Constitution for political
convenience, South Africa's democracy is under serious threat. South
Africa could degenerate into a banana republic in which state machinery
is used to settle political scores and shift the balance of forces.

If the truth be told, any president facing the possibility of being
arrested is dangerous to himself and the nation. Naturally, hoping to
avoid arrest, such a president will surround himself with cronies and
blind loyalists in key state security institutions. Such a president
could even try to change the Constitution and the law to protect himself
from prosecution, or find a way of undermining court decisions through
political power. 

Now, the appeal court has passed judgment against President Zuma, saying
that a high court review of the 2009 decision can proceed. 

Courts shouldn't resolve political squabbles
No one in their true political senses would ever agree with the
Democratic Alliance's use of the courts to determine political battles
and processes. The ANC Youth League rejected this view on various
occasions and we remain firm on it. The DA is not representative of the
people of South Africa and does not deserve an iota of respect from
anyone.

The illusion that those in the ANC-led national liberation movement who
defend the equality clause of the Constitution are "liberal democrats"
should be dismissed with contempt. Some of us have, with no support from
the leadership, been proponents of amending section 25 of the
Constitution to realise real and genuine equality.

Since the beginning of allegations of corruption, fraud and money
laundering against President Zuma, most of us have been solid and vocal
in defending him against conspiracies to prevent him from becoming
president of South Africa. 

Our view, which we expressed openly, was that those who had control of
the criminal justice system, or who acted on the pretext of protecting
then-president Thabo Mbeki, used state institutions to prevent Jacob
Zuma from assuming the highest political office in the land.

We stood firm against the abuse of state institutions for narrow
political purposes. We never said or insinuated that we supported
corrupt practices. We opposed, and continue to oppose, the abuse of
state institutions for political purposes and we are firmly opposed to
all crimes, particularly those such as corruption, which deprive the
poor masses of resources that could liberate them from poverty and
starvation.

The Supreme Court of Appeal's judgment says advocate Mpshe's 2009
decision to drop charges is reviewable. It can be reviewed because, in a
democratic South Africa, all are equal before the law. 

No one can believably argue now that state institutions are being used
to prevent Jacob Zuma becoming president -- he is the president of South
Africa. 

There is a case to answer
In dropping the charges, advocate Mpshe did not claim there was no case
to answer, but said that interference by some NPA and Scorpions
officials suggested there were also ulterior motives for charging him --
it was not just a matter of justice. 

The conspiracies that led to this situation no longer exist. Those who
had ulterior motives are no longer in the NPA or the Scorpions. Yet the
state still has a prima facie case of corruption, money laundering and
fraud that President Zuma must answer. 

The interference that happened then did not remove the possibility that
he could have been involved in a corrupt relationship with those who
have already been convicted in court.

If there is dissatisfaction with the involvement of some NPA
prosecutors, the president's legal representatives have the right to
raise this matter in court.

If it is true to its values and principles, the ANC should call on
President Zuma not to appeal the judgment of the appeal court, but to
allow all due processes to continue uninterrupted. In fact, President
Zuma should welcome the possibility of going to court, because that is
the only way he will clear the dark cloud over his head. 

It cannot be right that, for so many years, the ANC and South Africa as
a whole have not been able to get to the bottom of these allegations. In
allowing the law's processes to happen uninterrupted, President Zuma
will retain his innocence until proven otherwise and will be treated
like all innocent people. 

Kgalema sets an example
Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe recently approached the public
protector to investigate him over allegations of wrongdoing on his part.
President Zuma should follow this noble example. 

He should avoid the temptation to try to stop the courts listening to
his case by causing unnecessary delays. Further delays will bring doubt,
even in the ranks of the ANC, that there is perhaps a possibility that
he did indeed commit the crimes of which he is accused.

This approach will reaffirm the integrity of the ANC as a movement
committed to the fight against corruption and all criminal acts, which
the Polokwane conference said was a priority. 

The criminal justice system will also lose integrity, and will be
regarded as being open to manipulation in the future, if this case is
not responded to in a proper and fair trial. The approach of allowing
due process will further enhance and harness the state's fight against
corruption.

The ANC and all its formations and allies should always stand firm on
principles. We will never agree to be drawn into defending possibly
corrupt individuals, because corruption is like a cancer eating away at
the moral fibre of society. 

Whether we will be purged or persecuted for expressing this view does
not matter. The truth must be told at all times, without fear or favour.
Only factionalists and proponents of tribalism and corruption can stand
opposed to the accountability of the leadership, and unfortunately I am
not one. 

Floyd Shivambu is the spokesperson of the ANC Youth League. He writes in
his personal capacity

 


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