*2012 ANC National Policy Conference Discussion Document*
**
**
*Organisational Renewal*
/"...the ANC has to be a movement and party of the future. It is to
posterity that we dedicate the struggle for renewal, the struggle
against our own weaknesses."/
This general sentiment, taken from its Conclusion, at para *298*, is
broadly what motivates and drives the 69-page discussion document on
Organisational Renewal. It represents the fear that something is wrong
with the ANC, and that things are getting out of hand; therefore,
something must be done, or worse may occur.
"Organisational" in this title clearly refers to a noun -- the
organisation -- and not to the verb, to organise. Function is in danger
of disappearing, leaving a fetish. This is countered by reference in the
document to "the mass line", which is the greatest good to the greatest
number, and which also defines the universally-beneficent developmental
state that the document envisages in paras *262-266*.
To put it another way, what is _not_ primarily motivating the
Organisational Renewal document is the strategic task of extending mass
democratic organisation to all horizontal corners and to all vertical
layers of the country, in order to fulfil the National Democratic
Revolution (NDR). The essence of the NDR is precisely this extension of
democracy, as a goal in itself. But in the Organisational Renewal
document (see *249-255*), the mass democratic movement (MDM) is
represented, not as a product and aim of the liberation movement, but as
a support to the ANC, and to the ANC's pursuit of the ineffable "mass line".
The Organisational Renewal document only recognises the general task of
extending democracy insofar as it may be a means of sustaining the ANC.
It says:
/"We are called upon to build a resilient and transformative movement
that would not be dependent on state power for support among the
masses." [*296*]/
In this version, the ANC does not support the masses, but it wants
support from the masses. Instead of the ANC seeing the National
Democratic Revolution as a process of building democracy and mass
popular agency, it is concerned with:
/"...the ANC's capability to act truly as the strategic centre of
power organised along and effective in all the pillars of
transformation. Central to this is the need to structure the core
organisation around the pillars of the NDR and ensure we build
capacity to carry out fundamental transformation in each pillar."
[*293a*]/
In this way, the NDR becomes a set of tick-boxes. It is a formula: 1
non-racist +2 non-sexist +3 democratic + 4 prosperous.
The NDR as a means of developing revolutionary mass popular agency is no
longer visible in this formula. Organisation as the active formation of
a collective revolutionary Subject of History, capable of further
revolutionary change, is no longer the strategic goal.
Instead of creating mass popular agency, organisation here becomes
objectified. It is seen as a mechanism external to the people, which
will "deliver" and satisfy the pre-defined Maslow-like eclectic
hierarchy of needs, simplified as the four tick-boxes. Three new implied
tick-boxes then appear: employment, richness and equality (i.e. the
antitheses of unemployment, poverty and inequality).
At paras *17, 27, 61, 63, 69, 247, 264, 293 and 299* there is mention of
the same problematic "triple crisis" formula. In this formula, the
necessary concern with unemployment is obscured and diluted by
association with racial equality and with emotional but actually
liberal-reformist declaratory posturing on poverty. Not that the latter
two are not concerns, but what is lost in the use of this "triple-ing"
slogan is the unique, strategic importance of employment as the
quantitative growth of the revolutionary working class - the class that
is of prime interest to the SACP.
As part of the visualisation of _the_ organisation as an objectified
noun, the ANC will be the strategic centre of power and will lead a
flotilla of new social movements. Political education will serve and
produce this goal. Political education will be outcomes-based. The
outcome will be the pre-conceived "New Cadre" [293c].
Sometimes this begins to sound downright aggressive (*293f*):
/"...we are determined to enhance the ANC moral standing and image
among the masses of our people...we shall combine political
education with effective organisational measures and mechanism to
promote integrity, political discipline and ethical conduct and
defeat the demon of factionalism in the ranks of the ANC, Alliance
and broad mass democratic movement."/
*_Out of hand_?*
Are things getting out of hand? In para *29.2* the document describes
the present:
/"...the political life of the organisation revolves around
permanent internal strife and factional battles for power. This is a
silent retreat from the mass line to palace politics of factionalism
and perpetual in-fighting. The internal strife revolves around
contestation for power and state resources, rather than differences
on how to implement the policies of the movement. This situation has
shifted the focus of the cadres and members of the movement away
from societal concerns and people's aspirations. These circumstances
have produced a new type of ANC leader and member who sees
ill-discipline, divisions, factionalism and in-fighting as normal
practices and necessary forms of political survival. Drastic
measures and consistent action against these negative tendencies are
necessary to root out anarchy and decay."/
In para *45* it says:
/"In this paper, the point is made that the ANC is nowhere near its
aspiration of becoming the strategic centre of power. Capacity is
built consciously, step by step until the forces for change are in a
hegemonic position in all centres of authority and influence. The
ANC and democratic movement have to renew their determination to
transform South Africa into a united and truly non-racial,
non-sexist, prosperous democracy. This will only happen if the ANC
resist a drift away from transformative politics. The ANC has to
operate as a vanguard movement with political, ideological and
organisational capacity to direct the state and give leadership to
the motive forces in all spheres of influence and pillars of our
transformation project."/
In para *50* it says:
/"...the main weakness of the part of the democratic movement is
that it has not mastered the art of combining state power and mass
power in order to push the frontiers of fundamental change. For many
formations of the Alliance, mass democratic movement and erstwhile
organs of people's power, it is easier to adopt either an
oppositional posture against the democratic state than to build
transformative partnerships. For cadres of the movement who are
deployed in the state, it is also easier to adopt a bureaucratic or
statist approach when dealing with mass formations or social
movements wherein procedures are used to shut down rather than
engage critical voices."/
In para *95* it says:
/"The nature of the project being pursued by the ANC can only be
carried out by a transformative movement that uses its ruling
position or status to fundamentally transform political, social and
economic institutions and usher in new social and property relations
that empow er the masses. Mass mobilisation of society in general
and the motive forces remains an important element of both the
movement and developmental state, albeit in a transformative context."/
In para *96* it says:
/"What distinguishes a transformative movement or revolutionary
party from an ordinary electoral political party is the ability to
wield state power to fundamentally alter the power relations in any
society. In particular, to change power relations in favour of the
previously oppressed and exploited masses. Given the extent and
depth of social change pursued by the ANC as a national liberation
movement, it is logical that such a far-reaching transformation is
only possible if it is carried out by a movement or party with an
aspiration to influence and transform all aspects of society. This
is essentially what it means to be the strategic centre of power --
political, economic, social and ideological power./*/What does this
mean?/*/"/
See also paras *97* and especially *252-255* (well worth reading), seven
references to the ANC as a "_vanguard_", and eight references to "_the
mass line_".
The problem with the ANC regarding itself as a "vanguard" is not that it
is usurping this function from the SACP. The problem is that unlike the
SACP, the ANC is unable to distinguish between itself and the masses.
The communists can say: The revolution must be made by the people, and
not by us, we are only the vanguard. But the ANC sees itself as both the
vanguard, and the direct agent of history. It cannot, as the SACP does,
imagine any mass outside of itself that is different from and greater
than itself. Hence the agony expressed in para 50 (see above), and in
*252* the expression of a need /"to continuously organise various
sectors of society around our national programme for transformation."/
Instead of the vanguard as the professional revolutionary scout of the
line of march, this vanguard is a mother hen with chicks. The MDM is the
chicks, and looking after these chicks is then diminished from mass
democracy to "sectoral work".
*_What is the ANC for_?*
Other aspects of this document include Chapter 7, which is "Eye of the
Needle" business having to do with inner democracy, and Chapter 6, where
the ANC once again exhorts itself to do more political education. These
matters are derivative of the major problematic described above. They
are dependent on knowing what the ANC is for; what its purpose is. So we
must deal with the purpose, first.
In that regard, let us note that the "Organisational Renewal" document
is one half of the old "Strategy and Tactics", where the other half is
the new "Second Transition" document. This dilution is indicative of the
same weakness: lack of definition of the strategic goal.
*Contents of the "Organisational Renewal" Discussion Document:*
1. Introduction (1-14)
2. The Organisational Strengths and Weaknesses of the ANC in the
Post-1994 Period (15-33)
3. Lessons from our History on the Renewal and Redesign of the ANC (34-46)
4. Aspects of the Balance of Forces in 2012(47-85)
5. A Theoretical Perspective on the ANC as the Movement for
Transformation and the Strategic Centre of Power (86-103)
6. Building a Contingent of Conscious, Competent, Conscientious and
Disciplined Cadres (104-114)
7. Safeguarding the Core Values and Organisational Integrity of the ANC
(115-147)
8. The Organisational Design of the ANC (148-201)
9. The ANC and Information Communications Technology (202-228
10. The Financial Sustainability of the ANC (229-234)
11. Renewal of the Alliance and Sectoral Work Among the Motive Forces
(235-255)
12. Enhancing the Governing Capacity of the ANC (256-291)
13. A Decade-Long Programme of Action: 2012-2022 (292-293)
Conclusion (294-300)
*Finally*, note para *241*, where the ANC has failed to notice that the
SACP's wish for a "reconfigured alliance" is satisfied, and that this is
a different thing from COSATU's unsatisfied and unsatisfiable desire for
a "political centre" over and above the ANC.
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*VC*
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