*
**At the 14th International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties,
Beirut 22-25 November 2012*
/Speech of the GS of the CC of the KKE, A. Papariga/**
*The anti-imperialist struggle is anti-capitalist*
*Dear comrades,*
We would like to thank you for hosting the meeting in a country, in a
region which has been suffering for years and, in recent days as well,
as the imperialist intervention and invasion is almost a permanent
feature which marks all the levels of barbarity, authoritarianism.
Greece is also part of the wider region and for that reason we always
feel that it is our duty not only to express our internationalist
solidarity but also to take seriously into account the developments
which have an impact also on our country, as a capitalist country which
is completely assimilated into the strategic objectives of the EU, the
NATO and the USA with the voluntary agreement of the large majority of
the political forces. We have condemned the strategic agreement that
Greece has signed with Israel, as it definitely has nothing to do with
the common interests of the peoples but is related to the anti-people
strategic objectives of the bourgeoisie in our country and Israel too.
It is a strategic cooperation, both military and economic, which aims at
the participation in the unconditional and relentless struggle for the
energy resources and the resources of the region in general. Greece is
willing to contribute to the military interventions of Israel especially
if Israel decides to attack Iran. Indeed it carries out joint military
exercises with Israel which include exercises identical to military
operations either against Syria or against Iran.
It is not at all accidental that the Greek government has not expressed
sympathy with the tormented Palestinian people who are once again being
bombed, not even at a formal level, while the other parties of the
opposition are basically silent.
Although the wider region has been suffering for many years from the
multifaceted imperialist intervention to the benefit of reactionary
governments and regimes, however, the situation we have experienced over
recent years and today is directly related to the development of the
deep and prolonged economic capitalist crisis in the Eurozone which has
a direct impact globally and indeed on the well-known as well as on the
emerging imperialist centers and powers.
The crisis we are experiencing, which had the USA as its starting point,
is the continuation of the crisis which broke out at the end of the
1990s in the so called Asian tigers, in Russia as well in countries of
Latin America. The recovery which occurred had not reached the previous
rates. We do not at all exclude an anaemic recovery which will be
followed by a deeper synchronized crisis in the EU, the USA and Japan.
The capitalist system cannot manage the crisis as easily as it could
before. It cannot manage the consequences of poverty and the destitution
as it did previously. Of course this does not mean that the system will
collapse on its own, due to its contradictions, unless a powerful labour
movement is formed in each country capable of launching a general
assault and being prepared when the revolutionary situation breaks out,
or when it seems to be impending. The revolutionary movement will not
emerge suddenly, it is being prepared, it is being educated, it acquires
experience in the daily struggles.
The outbreak of the generalized and synchronized economic capitalist
crisis brought to the forefront the historically outdated and inhuman
character of the contemporary capitalist system, the timeliness and
necessity of socialism, the need for the international communist
movement to regroup.
*
**Which labour movement can avoid trapping itself?*
The question is which labour movement, which people's movement can go
through the rough path which is full of turns, ascents and descents,
without trapping itself , without degenerating since the previous and
recent experience has provided a great deal of evidence regarding such a
danger. Which labour and people's movement will rise up against the
imperialist aggressiveness, will open a front against imperialist war,
imperialist peace so that the peoples will not shed their blood for the
interests of the imperialists.
The line for the strengthening of the labour movement, its alliance with
the popular strata, can be tested, be prepared, and wage the everyday
struggles only on one path: the path of the emancipated struggle for
anti-monopoly and anti-capitalist goals at a national level and in terms
of internationalist cooperation and joint action.
*Capitalism **cannot guarantee national independence*
Today, contemporary patriotism is expressed with the struggle for the
overthrow of capitalism, for socialism. No capitalist country,
regardless of how advanced the parliamentary democracy is, can guarantee
national independence for its people, the respect of sovereign rights
except in a merely formal sense and without a substantial content.
We closely follow the reflections, the discussions which take place in
the communist movement concerning imperialism, the strategy of the
movement, the accusations launched against the liberal policy of
managing the capitalist system. In our opinion, today it is worth taking
steps forward and making leaps in practical activity and in the effort
to rally broader workers' and people's masses and it is equally
important to clarify serious ideological and theoretical issues which
are related to the strategy and the tactics of the movement against
imperialism.
The political line which today prevails at a global level is not merely
a recipe of liberal management, as it is usually claimed. Irrespective
of the partial differences between liberal and social democratic
recipes, they constitute the contemporary pro-monopoly strategy which
was elaborated after the crisis in 1971-1973 as a response to the
problem of the tendency of the average rate of profit to fall in
conditions of inter-imperialist rivalry and while uneven development is
sharpening, as it is in the DNA of the international capitalist system.
The components of the contemporary pro-monopoly political line are the
cheaper labour power, the reactionary restructurings, the
"liberalization", the privatizations, the imperialist intervention and
the war for the redistribution of the markets.
This pro-monopoly policy was followed and is currently being followed by
liberal and social democratic bourgeois governmental forces and even by
centre-left governments over the last thirty years. It started from the
USA and Britain and extended to the EU. In the 20th century neither the
liberal nor the Keynesian management were able to cancel either the
economic crisis or the imperialist war and nor can they now.
A central issue is to convince the broadest possible section of the
working class, of the working people about the real character of the
crisis, as a crisis of over-accumulation on the basis of capitalist
ownership and class exploitation; to confront using arguments the
systematic effort to misinform and obscure in order to conceal the true
causes and the factors of the crisis; the theories concerning "casino
capitalism", concerning a crisis which is merely due to the financial
system, due to the "overconsumption" or the opposite due to
"underconsumption".
*There is no capitalist way out of the crisis*
The labour movement and its allies must not be trapped into the various
formulas for the management of the crisis which appear today in the EU
but also internationally because there is no formula for a way-out of
the crisis in favour of the people. Besides, all formulas which have
been clearly expressed are based on the cheap labour power, they
negatively affect a big part of the small and medium sized strata, they
support the capitalist restructurings.
Today there is an intense discussion, there are serious disagreements
among EU member-states, among the sections of the bourgeoisie in each
country, among bourgeois political parties over whether a controlled
bankruptcy constitutes a solution, over whether the Eurozone must remain
intact, over whether the EU must be transformed into a federation that
will very likely lead to the expulsion of some states etc.
The theory that the exit from the Eurozone and even from the EU would
help a bourgeois government to be freed from the commitments of a single
currency, to print its own money, to attract investors who bet on a
cheap national currency etc. is being fostered by officials from
bourgeois political and business circles.
This position has a class character to the extent that it is promoted by
sections of the bourgeois class and speculators and has no relation at
all with the class position of the KKE for working class people's power,
disengagement from the EU, unilateral cancellation of the debt and
socialization of the monopolies, for productive people's cooperatives in
agriculture which are integrated to an extent in the central planning.
The opportunist forces that take a position against the German recipe
support a relaxation of fiscal policy and a controlled bankruptcy, and
indeed they are promoting the view that there is a transitional
political programme for struggle and power through which the interests
of the monopolies and the working people can be balanced. Such a
governmental programme which has favourable results both for the
monopolies and for the peoples has never existed anywhere and does not
exist today, that is to say this has never been borne out at a national
level or in a group of countries. It is no accident that no country is
invoked by them as an example of the implementation of such a choice.
We are in a period when the inter-imperialist contradictions in
conditions of a deep crisis are pushing sections of the bourgeois class,
the entire bourgeois class of the one or the other country to choose
whether they will stay in an imperialist camp or whether they will move
into another one, to decide which imperialist power it is in their
interests to side with. Realignments are taking place in the imperialist
alliances, there is a fluidity regarding this issue, something which in
our opinion is also related to the wider region of the Eastern
Mediterranean and even North Africa.
The alignment of the labour movement and its allies with one or the
other management formula, with one or the other imperialist power means
submission and enlisting under a false flag. Look at the situation
inside the Eurozone.
The German and French bourgeois classes are faced with serious dilemmas
related to the future of the Eurozone. Despite their contradictions,
they came to a temporary fragile compromise, as they have in the past,
which does not alleviate the barbarity of the anti-worker measures and
the reactionary reforms, and it also does not negate the causes of the
sharpening of the inter-imperialist contradictions.
The dominant trend in the German bourgeois class sets the buttressing of
the Euro, the stability of the currency as a priority, and refuses to
shoulder the costs of the depreciation of capital in the indebted
countries. A second trend which is being strengthened in the EU is the
one which wants to keep the Eurozone intact so that the European market
does not shrink in the face of the tough international competition. A
third trend calls into question the current form of the Eurozone in its
entirety and prioritizes the approach to the China-Russia axis.
The bourgeois governments, the liberal, social-democratic and so-called
left renewal parties line up behind the forces that express the
contradictions and seek to assimilate the labour movement and its allies
into one or the other version of management which are schematically
characterized as the restrictive one and the expansive one.
We are certain of one thing, without underestimating the difficulties
placed in the way of the strengthening of the movement by the illusions
and utopian views, that objectively larger sections of the working class
will come to oppose the bourgeois management solutions which are trying
to control the extent of capital depreciation and the distribution of
the damage amongst its various sections.
The communist parties, the radical vanguard must not lose their
independence in thinking and action in the face of the various blocs
which are siding with the one or the other imperialist power, with a
section of the bourgeois class against another section, in favour of the
upper middle strata.
The anti-monopoly anti-capitalist character of the struggle must be
strengthened, and the commitments and dependency which countries and
peoples are suffering from, countries assimilated into the imperialist
unions like NATO and the EU must be dealt with from this standpoint.
*Patriotism is the overthro**w of bourgeois power; **the
anti-imperialist struggle is anti-capitalist*
The character of contemporary patriotism is identified with the
overthrow of bourgeois power and the capitalist ownership of the means
of production, withdrawal from every capitalist inter-state coalition
and imperialist alliance.
Consequently, the so-called anti-German front, or the anti-American
front i.e. against the USA, on its own cannot express or cope with the
struggle against imperialism, against the consequences of the crisis. We
also must not ignore the fact that monopoly capitalism i.e. imperialism
determines the fate and course of states which do not belong organically
to imperialist unions. There is no country today which is not connected
in some way to the global and regional system of imperialism, that is to
say to the global capitalist market, and to its regional markets. The
capitalist development path is the path which leads to the looser or
tighter assimilation into the imperialist system and for this reason the
anti-imperialist struggle is anti-capitalist as we are dealing with the
imperialist stage of capitalism.
The peoples do not become militant when they are influenced by views
which detach the imperialist political line from monopoly capitalism,
that identify imperialism only with unequal international relations,
imperialist intervention and war. That is to say when internal
contradictions are detached from the inter-imperialist ones.
The Communist Party must lead the independent organization of the
workers'-people's resistance in all its forms, so that the resistance is
connected to the struggle for the complete defeat of the bourgeois
class, domestic and foreign as an invader, so that the antiwar struggle
is connected to the conquest of power in a practical way. A workers'
--people's front must be formed at the initiative and with the
leadership of the party in all forms of activity, with the slogan: The
people will provide the freedom and the way out of the capitalist system
which as long as it prevails brings war and peace with a gun to the
people's head.
Today in Greece we support the People's Alliance which expresses the
interests of the working class, the semi-proletarians, the poor
self-employed and poor farmers, also the self-employed scientists who,
even if they still have greater freedom than the salaried ones, will
increasingly be transformed into salaried employees in large capitalist
businesses with a low income or into unemployed or semi-employed. From
this standpoint, we reject any support for political forces which back
the one or the other management formula.
There are processes taking place in Greece today for the reformation of
the political system, as the system of two-party alternation between the
liberal ND and the social-democratic PASOK cannot function anymore,
particularly due to the disintegration of PASOK. A large section of the
cadre apparatus of PASOK, sections of the labour aristocracy and
government-led trade unionism, sections of the intermediate strata which
operated as satellites of the monopolies, managing a section of the EU
subsidies, have changed party, they jumped over to SYRIZA. SYRIZA is
being transformed from an opportunist party into the successor of
social-democracy maintaining certain slogans in order to keep its
profile of left communist renewal.
The KKE resisted the major pressure which was exerted on it so that it
would state that it would participate in a government with SYRIZA at its
core, i.e. in a government which would have programmatic positions with
a clear direction of supporting capitalist development in a
contradictory way something which determines in advance its full
assimilation when it becomes a governmental majority. This position had
an electoral cost, but it did not deprive the party of the ability after
the elections to mobilize and organize the popular masses. It is a
legacy for the future for a movement which will avoid dangerous traps
and blunders which will harm the people's interests and which in the end
will break it for a long and crucial period of time.
The KKE made its position clear from the very first moment of the
mobilizations in the countries of North Africa and the beginning of the
armed conflict in Syria. Whatever popular participation was noted,
particularly in Egypt and Tunisia, certainly expressed people's problems
domestically, the rights of the workers, the desire for a change of the
political line. But we cannot close our eyes to the fact that they were
either provoked or utilised by strong imperialist powers headed by the
USA and its competitors over the control of the natural resources, in
order to change the government with forces they could better control. We
said clearly that it is a part of the plan which Bush had proclaimed as
a plan for the "democratization" of the Arab countries, the Arab world.
The events in Syria are rooted in the economic, social and political
problems which the working class and other popular strata are
experiencing. But we are against any attempt at an imperialist
intervention by the USA, the EU, NATO, Israel, Turkey, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia. We revealed to the Greek people that the USA, the EU and Israel
are interested in destabilizing and weakening the balance of forces
inside the Syrian bourgeois regime, because its leadership is an ally of
Palestine and Lebanon, is opposed to the imperialist positions and plans
of the USA, NATO and Israel which today is mercilessly bombing Gaza and
is occupying Palestinian, Lebanese and Syrian territories. The
weakening, the overthrow of the Syrian regime whets the appetites of the
imperialists to attack Iran, to proceed to new dismemberments of states
in the region, i.e. a domino effect of destabilization and bloodshed,
something that will bring new imperialist wars and interventions.
We are of the assessment that we must all work for the common
anti-imperialist anti-monopoly struggle, for the disengagement from the
imperialist organizations, the removal of the foreign military bases and
nuclear weapons, the return home of military forces from the imperialist
missions, and the integration of this struggle into the struggle for power.
e-mail: [email protected] <mailto:[email protected]>
*From: http://inter.kke.gr/News/news2012/2012-11-23-omilia-kke-14imcwp*
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