A discussion relating to pan-African solidarity

 

 

By “VC”

 

Below are two (edited) responses to Dr Jean-Baptiste Mbera, Secretary General 
of the United Democratic Forces of Rwanda (FDU-Inkingi), who has for a long 
time past kindly contributed to Africa Left Network Forum (ALNEF) and to 
CU-Africa. The whole discussion, including Dr Mbera’s extensive contributions, 
can be read at the CU-Africa group discussion archive (click here 
<https://groups.google.com/forum/#!forum/cuafrica> ), under “Rwandan Opposition 
Leader Reacts to Murder…” and previously, “Rwanda: The People Shall Govern”.

 

Whereas the topic in this case is Rwanda, yet the general problem of solidarity 
between African countries arises often, and typically in more than one place at 
the same time. For four current examples, we could take Swaziland, Central 
African Republic, South Sudan, and Benin (where a two-day general strike is 
scheduled to begin tomorrow).

 

I have tried to put forward the case for using class analysis as the primary 
means of understanding all these cases. Class analysis does not exclude 
consideration of other factors, but it places those other factors within a 
common framework, and it allows them all to be related to the pervasive 
environment of aggressive Imperialist neo-colonialism.

 

I am posting these words in response to the comrade who wrote, concerning 
Benin: “Cde VC, how do we support this strike, where here is SA, Pretoria in 
particular?” 

 

In the absence of organised initiatives, the CU can only begin by trying to 
understand these situations. Hence I think we need a discussion, and I hope 
that comrades are willing.

 

 

 

Here begins my first response to Cde Mbera:

 

 

Dear Cde Mbera, in your previous post, you wrote:

 

“We don’t fight Paul Kagame as such. It would be both narrow and futile. We 
fight an unacceptable and recurrent political system that is based on ethnic 
exclusion and denial of civil liberties. We fight the current regime because it 
is sectarian and dictatorial. We fight a supramacist and dictatorial regime.”

 

As a communist forum, one would like to ask: What is the political economy of 
Rwanda, and how is it changing?

 

This is in the sense of “political economy” as the arrangement and relative 
strengths of the class forces in the country. It would also have to take into 
account the overall growth of productive forces in the country.

 

As communists, we would expect there to be a class dictatorship in Rwanda, as 
much as in any other country. While not discarding what you say about sectarian 
bias, yet in the absence of good data on the class make-up of Rwandan society, 
we would consider ourselves unable to make good judgements concerning that 
aspect.

 

In South Africa, although our Freedom Charter begins “The People Shall Govern”, 
yet we are not democrats for nothing, or for the sake of democracy, as such. We 
are determined to solve both class and national questions, knowing that the 
resolution of each is the condition for the resolution of the other.

 

In the absence of a clear understanding of the class question in your country, 
in its abstract parts and in its concrete whole (its 
unity-and-struggle-of-opposites), we would not be able to have a firm basis 
from which to examine the question of ethnicity. We would be forced towards 
ethnic empiricism alone for an explanation of Rwandan reality; and we would 
want to avoid such a reliance on empiricism. Rightly or wrongly, as you may 
think, we are dedicated to an understanding of the primary motive forces of 
history in terms of class.

 

Therefore, if at all possible, please do inform us a little about the class 
differentiation in your country, and about the development of the productive 
forces there.

 

 

 

Cde Mbera then posted a long article of his, from an earlier time. I replied:

 

 

Thank you for responding to my request for more explanation of the political 
economy of Rwanda. I would like first to compare your use of certain terms, 
with the way that the Communist University has criticized the same terms as 
they relate, in the first place, to South Africa, and to how they are used in 
South African political discourse. The particular terms in question are 
“lumpen”; “bourgeoisie”; and “primitive accumulation”, or just “accumulation”.

 

Then, I would like to problematise what appear in the literature as two 
different understandings of the place of Imperialism within the political 
economy of neo-colonialism, where, in one view, Imperialism allies itself with 
the most anachronistic class forces (rural, feudal and tribal) against the two 
modernizing classes, bourgeois and proletarian; or in the other view, allies 
itself with a part of the bourgeoisie (“comprador”) which then acts as “agent” 
of Imperialism within the country. I take the latter to be (approximately, for 
the moment) your view.

 

Terms: Bourgeois and Proletarian

 

The literal (German) meaning of “lumpen” is “in rags”. This term was used by 
Karl Marx in the period 1848 to 1852 to differentiate between the working 
proletariat, and the idle proletariat, with the latter resembling the original, 
idle proletariat of Ancient Rome. The working proletariat is not “in rags”, but 
the idle proletariat has nothing at all, except what may be given to it. As we 
know from Marx’s works, the “lumpen proletariat” was quite easily purchased 
(with “whisky and sausages”) by Louis Bonaparte, and then used as an armed 
force against the working proletariat.

 

So we have tried to maintain this precise distinction, and to avoid the use of 
“lumpen” as a general swear-word to describe people we don’t like (e.g. 
vulgarisers, demagogues and proto-fascists). We can leave it aside for the 
moment and then see how it may apply to the bourgeoisie. Before that, we would 
need to look at the term “bourgeoisie”.

 

The bourgeoisie is a complex phenomenon, characterised by profound overall 
changes over time, and at any point in history, by dramatic internal 
contradictions and strife. The bourgeoisie is never united. It only achieves a 
degree of unity occasionally, and at one remove, when the state power is 
bourgeois, and the state is able to provide the bourgeoisie with an “executive 
committee”.

 

The bourgeois class has been the most constantly active class in history for 
hundreds of years past, and it still remains the most active, sometimes for the 
better, but mostly for the worse.

 

The bourgeois class in its first attempt at creating a world system, used not 
capitalism, but capitalism’s rival and in some sense, opposite: slavery. The 
globalised bourgeois slavery system of the East and of the West, has left its 
mark upon the world, such that the major division upon which capitalist 
Imperialism rests, still follows the lines imposed by the three centuries of 
international bourgeois slavery.

 

The bourgeoisie adopted capitalism in the metropolitan countries, and then 
imposed this new system on a global scale, from the beginning of the 19th 
Century, replacing chattel slavery with wage slavery. This was an enormous 
global reversal.

 

At [roughly] the same time, in France, according to Marx, under the regime of 
Louis Philippe, a financial variation of the bourgeoisie had arisen and it had 
become the ruling faction. This is the one that was overthrown in 1848. But 
this was not the end of the financial bourgeoisie, as we can see today.

 

In 1920, Lenin noted that “the overwhelming mass of the population in the 
backward countries consist of peasants who represent bourgeois‐capitalist 
relationships.” In other words, the normal development of the peasantry is 
towards bourgeois capitalism, and the consciousness of the peasantry 
corresponds to this trajectory. This is so when the peasantry is rural, and it 
persists when the same peasants migrate to the towns, so long as they remain 
unemployed and until they become employed as working proletarians.

 

The survivalists of the towns, as well as the poor peasants, can qualify for 
your term “lumpen-petty-bourgeois” – petty-bourgeois in rags. And these are 
many in number. Of the whole bourgeoisie (i.e. all of those with bourgeois 
intentions, including the petty bourgeoisie) most are far poorer than the 
working proletariat. This is a very important paradox.

 

It is the working proletariat that gains class-consciousness. Therefore, the 
size (both absolute and relative to the other classes) and the degree of 
self-organisation of the working proletariat is the most crucial and dynamic 
factor in the whole political economy. Related to this is the existence or 
otherwise of a vanguard party of the working proletariat – a communist party.

 

You have told us very little about the Rwandan working class. All you have said 
is that:

 

“There were close to 300,000 Rwandans earning a salary both in the public and 
the private sector in 2002 according the RPF government out of an active 
population of 4,500,000 individuals aged between 15 and 65 years. The rest 
(92%) were self-employed, mostly in rural areas (87,6%).”

 

I understand, from other sources, that the total population of Rwanda is about 
12 million people.

 

Most of the population is living off the land, but how this is arranged is not 
apparent from your message, Cde Mbera. What is the system of land tenure? Is it 
freehold?

 

On the CU, we have at one time or another looked at the situation of the 
peasantry following the French, Russian and Chinese revolutions [and in South 
Africa]. One needs to know the detail, the specificity, the empirical facts on 
the ground, and you have not given us those sufficient details, yet.

 

Lastly, for the moment, and briefly, on the bourgeoisie itself: The financial 
bourgeoisie has become so dominant in the world that it is reducing the 
capitalist (i.e. those who extract surplus value at the point of production) 
class to a subordinate and sometimes ruined position. Hence the term 
“lumpen-bourgeoisie” can have a meaning in the modern world: distressed 
bourgeoisie. Finance rules, and production becomes stressed and contorted. This 
has global consequences, such as the “meltdown” of 2008 and following. It does 
affect us in South Africa. What about Rwanda?

 

Accumulation

 

The word “accumulation” in Marx’s “Capital” means the growth of the 
prerequisites of capitalism, such as a monetary system, communications and a 
market, a potentially capitalist bourgeoisie and a proletariat that can be 
forced to work. Accumulation means the enlargement of all of these factors. 
“Primitive accumulation” simply means the first assembly of the prerequisites 
of capitalism.

 

The sense of accumulation, primitive or otherwise, as being the creation of a 
hoard of wealth, is explicitly rejected by Marx. If we are blind to this 
distinction made by Marx, then we will not be able to explain the phenomenon of 
rich people who do not employ others in production, but only seek rent [and/or 
interest], and of others who may not be so rich but are capitalists in the true 
sense that they employ people.

 

As much as it may appear that the ones who employ people are “exploiters” and 
therefore constitute the class enemy, yet at this time when capitalist-style 
employment is the only employment, the number of capitalists and the size of 
their operations is crucial.

 

You have told us that the Rwandan ruling class stole property and got a lot of 
money from “aid”, but you don’t tell us anything about the growth of capitalist 
business within the country. Rwanda, with its abundance of the greatest 
resource of all – people – has to have a higher relation of production than 
subsistence agriculture. So this question of “what kind of accumulation” is 
basic.

 

Citizen, Subject, and Comprador

 

In his book “Citizen and Subject”, the Ugandan intellectual Mahmood Mamdani 
described the typical alliance of Imperialists with the most rural and 
anachronistic sections of society. He showed how Imperialism could act against 
secular, modern, democratic and bourgeois relations of production. He showed 
how the heart of the anti-Imperialist liberation alliance was typically, as it 
is in South Africa, between the working proletariat and the nationalist 
elements of the bourgeoisie.

 

Other writers, including yourself, I think, and for another example the late 
Jack Woddis, whose book “An Introduction to Neo-Colonialism” I have been 
reading lately, have put forward the idea of the “comprador” bourgeoisie, 
acting as a servant of international capital. This is an idea with a long 
pedigree.

 

Both of these opposing views have their respectable supporters.

 

I am a supporter of the Mamdani view, and an opponent of the idea of 
“comprador” capitalist. I would go so far as to say that “comprador” is a myth, 
or largely a myth.

 

The typical African sellout leader is not likely to be a true bourgeois, but is 
a mock bourgeois who is actually beholden to non-capitalist rural leadership 
(chiefs or traditional leaders) for political support, voting numbers, and 
military recruits. The fake nature of such a bourgeoisie gives rise to the 
stinging critique of it made by Fanon and others, but it is Mamdani who relates 
the substantial political cause, whereas Fanon simply describes it as a 
farcical mistake. It is not a mistake.

 

The true bourgeoisie, if it acquires state power in a post-colonial country, at 
once acquires the mortal enmity of Imperialism, and is likely to be the early 
target of direct military aggression, initiated by the Imperialists. This is 
what we have seen recently in Iraq and Syria, and on the African continent, in 
Libya and in Côte d’Ivoire. In fact, all the wars of Imperialism have this 
general purpose: the destruction of independent capitalist production.

 

To escape from the Imperialists, a national democratic revolutionary alliance, 
as envisaged by Lenin in 1920, is required, and this is primarily a class 
alliance. The purpose of non-racialism and of non-tribalism is so that class 
can come to the fore as the basis of such a national alliance. The purpose of 
democracy is the formation of organised, self-conscious class interests. The 
institutions that are required are the national liberation movement, which is 
the vehicle of class alliance; the trade unions of the working class; the 
vanguard party; and in my opinion also a mass organisation of the working 
women. In addition, in South Africa we have SANCO, which is potentially the 
organisation of the local petty-bourgeoisie.

 

We believe that appeals to general human rights, will by themselves serve more 
to obscure than to reveal the necessities of struggle.

 

 

 

 

6 January 2014

 

 

 

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