Morning 
 
Anyone with the Public Protector's report please I will appreciate to
have it .

 
Mr Vusi Makamu

Legal  Administration Officer
Mpumalanga Prov Govt
Dept of  Economic Development,
Environment and Tourism
Private bag x 11215
Nelspruit
Tel 013 7664111
Cell 076 737 4062
Fax 086 6228678
>>> "VC" <[email protected]> 2014/03/17 10:42 AM >>>

 

 
 
The role of multilingualism in the democratic dispensation
 
 
Khethiwe Marais, The Sunday Independent, Johannesburg, 16 March 2014
 
As with all aspects of South African society, language policy required
transformation into a new democratic dispensation within the context of
multi-lingualism.
 
The only official languages were Afrikaans and English and this had to
be changed. 
 
In response to a new constitution (that recognised all the indigenous
languages of South Africa in addition to English and Afrikaans) and
language activists' expectations, the then-minister of arts, culture,
science and technology Dr Ben Ngubane established a language task group
in 1995 for the task of new language planning and policy formulation for
the post-apartheid dispensation. 
 
The work of this task group culminated in the new Language Plan and the
National Language Policy Framework. The aim of this was to usher in an
implementation of a policy and practice of multilingualism in all
spheres of government and to inspire the private sector to follow suit.
 
The sociolinguistic scholar and language activist Neville Alexander
argued that "implementing a consistently democratic language policy is
critical to the consolidation and expansion of the democratic society"
in South Africa. 
 
An inclusive language approach enables people to hear and to be heard
and to effectively participate in every domain of society, be it
education, media or politics. 
 
Linguist Ayo Bamgbose argues that language can and does empower or
disempower people. This is attested to by the fact that in almost all
jobs in South Africa, be it in government or the private sector, the
people who get high-powered positions are invariably proficient in
English, or claim to be or aspire to be proficient in English. 
 
The adverts, applications and interviews for these positions are in
English, regardless of the constituencies or communities that will be
served by the people in such positions. 
 
Once people are employed in those positions, communication, the
production processes, training and performance appraisals all take place
in English. 
 
This means that those who are not proficient in English do not stand a
chance of accessing information or good jobs and positions in the
government service and the private sector. 
 
Since the adoption of the National Language Policy Framework, the
principle and policy of multi-lingualism have been accepted on paper,
but have not been put into practice. 
 
There has been no meaningful implementation of this multilingual policy
by the government in general and by the Department of Arts and Culture
in particular, which has the language mandate. 
 
While there are 11 official languages in South Africa, English gets to
be exclusively used over all other 10 languages in the public and
private sectors for all official transactions and communication and in
all spheres. 
 
The government has jettisoned the official policy of multilingualism in
favour of English monolingualism and hegemony in spite of the negative
impact this has on South African society. 
 
The negative impact of English monolingualism is glaringly and
intensely manifest in education. 
 
Research here and internationally has continuously proved that
education is well-served and better understood through teaching and
learning in the mother tongue. 
 
In this country as the language medium in schools continues to be
exclusively English it contributes a lot to high drop-out rates, a high
percentage of those repeating classes and a high failure rate,
especially in matric, for non-English speakers. 
 
International assessments of our school pupils place them among the
lowest in the world for numeracy and literacy skills, in spite of the
huge budget allocated to education. Even among those who pass matric and
pursue studies at tertiary level, learning conceptualisation, literacy
and numeracy levels are poor. 
 
Universities are at pains to point this out and that it is a factor
contributing to poor pass rates among students. Regardless of these poor
results, parents continue to insist that their children be taught
exclusively in English. 
 
The authorities have a flexible language approach in education policy
that allows parents to make choices about languages of learning and
teaching in schools. 
 
While this is a commendable policy, it is unfair of education
authorities to expect parents to make informed choices about
multilingual education. 
 
Most poor parents decide on English only as they want themselves and
their children to acquire competency and skills in English so they may
access better opportunities in an English-oriented society.
 
Parents make this choice even though it is an uphill battle for most
pupils, who are indigenous language speakers and not immersed in English
language and culture. 
 
Among the elites of society, government and business, English is
considered an asset as it is associated with economic benefits. 
 
The attitude of government and business towards English hegemony is
aided and abetted by cultural and economic imperialism as well as
globalisation of the West. 
 
The status of English as the language of power was inherited from the
colonial legacy, which continues to exert a negative influence on local
languages and local solutions. 
 
The ruling elite groups in South Africa, as elsewhere in Africa, have
not fully decolonised their minds. All language policy choices made
since colonialism have been in favour of the colonial languages and
marginalisation of the indigenous languages. 
 
According to Ngugi wa Thiong'o, the elite continue to accept the
"fatalistic logic of the unassailable position of English".
 
Decision-makers in government and the elite persist in the logic that
English is the language of business and an international language.
 
How it came to occupy this position and continues to do so is never
asked. It is assumed that this is the inherent position and destiny of
English. What has become a reality is that English monolingualism has
become a basis for distinction among social groups and classes. 
 
English has come to determine who has access to political power and
economic resources. It has become a powerful tool for exclusion and
exploitation in public and private sectors. 
 
Linguistics professor Victor Webb raises the argument of language being
"a barrier to meaningful social, political and economic transformation
and reconstruction" in the country. 
 
He argues that the language barrier contributes to disadvantaging
citizens in accessing their rights and privileges as they cannot
effectively participate in political life and social advancement
programmes. 
 
Webb also contends that in the economy, people's chances of advancement
at work are negatively affected if they do not share the same language
as the managers. In communities the people's chances of securing
government tenders are minimal if they do not understand the language of
tender documents. 
 
At local level most communities are excluded from economic development
processes and projects as they are not proficient in the language used
in documents and in communication on such projects. 
 
People cannot engage and influence decisions meaningfully in political
discourses that affect their lives if they do not have sufficient
fluency and proficiency in the Ianguage of political debates. 
 
Webb concludes that "language can be a gatekeeper; a discriminator
which facilitates participation and sharing or acts as a barrier to
accessing opportunities... and this is what has happened in South
Africa". 
 
One might argue that if communities involved in service delivery
protests had been engaged in their own languages in discussions about
local economic development they would have influenced discussions in
favour of their areas or would have had a better understanding of the
immensity, complexity and intricacies involved in budgeting and planning
for development.  
 
While this may or may not have been the case here, one needs to caution
that although language plays a significant role, it is not the only
gatekeeper or discriminator in the inequality ratio. There are many
other factors in South African society today that lead to exclusion,
inequality and injustice including race, class, gender, nepotism and
cronyism, all of which advantage some and disadvantage others.
 
Multilingualism policy is not only good for participatory democracy and
education but – if consistently and carefully developed through research
and development, human language technology, orthographic development of
the indigenous languages, translation, interpretation, language learning
and teaching, materials development, publishing and printing – it can
build a big language industry and create jobs. Supported multilingualism
in Europe contributes to billions of dollars and euros.
 
The African renaissance for the potential growth of Africa must begin
with the development of African languages. Lessons need to be learnt on
how the European renaissance and its development were inextricably
linked to the development of European languages. 
 
·           Marais is a linguist based at UNISA Language Services. 
 
 
Transcribed


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