On Democratic Centralism
In practice, all constitutional systems of democracy rely on the periodical
delegation of authority to the centre, and the reciprocal submission of the
centre to the authority of the periphery, or mass. Centralisation and
decentralisation co-exist. Each one is the condition for the existence of
the other. There is no centralism without decentralism, and vice versa.
Democratic Centralism means no more or less than this.
Democratic Centralism is usually constructed in our constitutions from the
starting point of the periodic National Congress, the National Conference,
or in the case of the parliamentary democracy, the General Election. These
are described as the highest, supreme or sovereign authority within such a
democratic system.
The general electorate, or the delegated assembly, then confers upon an
elected body (e.g. National Executive Committee, Central Committee or House
of Parliament) the authority to act as the highest body until the next duly
constituted Congress, Conference or General Election. Usually, the term is
fixed, as for example, three, four or five years.
Democratic Centralism is therefore not different, or distinct from, what we
know as democracy anywhere, including in the United States of America and
Great Britain. This is true, even though the term "democratic centralism" as
such is treated as foreign and "communist" in those countries.
No doubt because there is no real difference between democratic centralism
and democracy in general, it turns out to be rather difficult to find a
clear definition of "democratic centralism" in those exact terms. The ANC's
Constitution does not mention it, even though we know that the ANC does
explicitly practice democratic centralism, and teaches it in its political
schools. SADTU's Constitution does not mention it. Nor does it appear in the
SADTU Rules of Procedure for Meetings.
Works of reference attribute "democratic centralism" to Vladimir Lenin, but
these works are not able to point to a clear statement differentiating
"democratic centralism" from democracy in general, in Lenin's words, or in
anybody else's words.
The best available, explicit statement of democratic centralism in principle
appears to be that of the SACP in its Constitution, quoted in full below.
The SACP Constitution says that "All decisions taken by higher structures
are binding on all lower structures and individual members." Immediately
thereafter, it says that "All higher structures shall be accountable to
lower structures and to the membership".
Democratic Centralism, when offered as a firm principle, does appear to have
the kind of strictness that its adherents often seek. But in practice, as
can be seen from the above, it is circular, and it is vulnerable to
arguments such as those that happened in COSATU, where those not happy with
the authority of the CEC were militating for a Special Congress. They are
appealing to the same principle of Democratic Centralism, but at a different
point in the same cycle.
Democratic Centralism turns out not to be strict, but instead quite
arbitrary in the matter of "line", as in "party line", or in other words,
"policy". The National Congress or its equivalent must be permitted to
debate from first principles, because it is the highest authority. Therefore
the branches or other lower structures must, at least for a period of time
prior to Congress, also be capable of addressing first principles and of
criticising existing policy.
The dividing line between debate of new policy, and defence of existing
policy, is never, and cannot ever be, a clear one.
In the end, the matter becomes a philosophical one - the same one that was
addressed by Karl Marx in the second of the (1845) "Theses on Feuerbach",
thus:
The question whether objective truth can be attributed to human thinking is
not a question of theory but is a practical question. Man must prove the
truth... in practice. The dispute over the reality or non-reality of
thinking which is isolated from practice is a purely scholastic question.
Authority is not found, in the last end, in one structure or another. It
must be found in practice, as a subjective, willing act. Textual and
procedural arguments are no more revolutionary than the courts of law, which
is to say, such arguments are not revolutionary at all. To be revolutionary
is to act. Constitutions do not act, but men and women do.
Sources of Authority:
ANC Constitution:
10.1 The National Conference is the supreme ruling and controlling body of
the ANC.
SACP Constitution:
8.1 The highest authority of the SACP shall be a National Congress which
shall be called every 5 years.
COSATU Constitution:
(COSATU's Constitution does not have an explicit statement of the authority
of the National Congress as in the three Constitutions above. But the
principle appears in the definition of the CEC, in the COSATU Constitution):
5 .1 The Central Executive Committee ("CEC") manages the affairs of the
Federation between meetings of the NC and CC
And 3.8.2 The CEC determines the General Secretary and Deputy General
Secretary's remuneration and conditions of employment
SADTU Constitution:
13.1.1 The National Congress shall be the supreme governing body of the
Union and shall meet at least once every four years.
Democratic Centralism:
(From the SACP Constitution)
BASIC ORGANISATIONAL PRINCIPLES
6.1 The Party shall function according to the conventional principles of
democratic centralism that Communist Parties have traditionally adhered to.
6.2 To secure the unity and cohesion of the SACP, members are obliged to
defend the SACP and to carry out its decisions. All decisions taken by
higher structures are binding on all lower structures and individual
members. Members shall have the right to pursue their views internally in
the lead up to conferences or congresses with powers under this constitution
to determine or reverse SACP policies. No groupings with their own ideology,
theory and discipline shall be permitted.
6.3 All higher structures shall be accountable to lower structures and to
the membership in the formulation and implementation of policies and, for
this purpose, shall wherever possible ensure regular and effective
consultation with lower structures and the membership prior to the
finalisation and implementation of major policies.
6.6 Members who are elected to positions at a higher level may not stand for
election to positions at a lower level in the SACP. They may serve as ex
officio members of immediate lower structures.
6.7 It shall be the duty of delegates to fairly and effectively convey to
Congress and policy-making conferences the mandate of the constituency that
elected them. However, delegates attending such Congresses and conferences
shall not be rigidly bound by these mandates and may discuss and vote on the
basis of debates at such Congresses and conferences.
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