Brian Bunting, 1975: Moses Kotane, South African Revolutionary, Chapter 9
The Suppression of Communism Act Part 1 of 3: Struggle for Unity 1948, the year of the centenary of the Communist Manifesto, was also the year in which the Nationalist Party of Dr Malan, basing itself on its newly fashioned apartheid manifesto, came to power in South Africa. The election had cast its shadow over South Africa for many years beforehand, though General Smuts was not the only politician to whom the notion of an electoral defeat for the United Party was inconceivable. Nevertheless, the menace of Nationalist Party policy was obvious to all in the democratic camp, and in mid-1947 the Central Committee of the Communist Party resolved "to initiate or assist in the initiation of a conference of progressive organisations at an early date to draw up a programme for the mobilisation of anti-fascist forces throughout the country which will enable them to take an effective part in the coming general election and to advance the struggle for a democratic South Africa".186 The Party had in mind not only direct involvement in the election campaign by means of putting up candidates and the issuing of propaganda towards the electorate, but also and more importantly the mobilisation of the masses of the disfranchised blacks to take advantage of the heightened political atmosphere engendered by the election to promote the cause of liberation. The cause of unity was hampered by disagreement in the ranks of the African National Congress over the boycott issue, involving inevitably also the relationship between the Congress and the Communist Party. In a New Year message printed in the Bantu World ANC President General Dr Xuma had appealed for the return en bloc of all the existing members of the Native Representative Council. Speaking as a member of the ANC executive, which had not been consulted, J.B. Marks pointed out that Xuma's message was "in direct conflict with the resolution passed by the Bloemfontein conference of the ANC". Marks also drew attention to the fact that Xuma and Selope Thema had broken the ANC pledge to boycott the royal visit, Xuma hurrying to greet the King at Eshowe, while Thema had welcomed the Royal Family over the microphone at the Maritzburg reception.187 There were to be other signs that certain of the Congress leaders were more interested in a policy of conciliation and compromise than in direct confrontation with the Government. In January 1948 Dr Yusuf Dadoo issued a call for a national convention to campaign for a programme of democracy for all, convened if possible by the national organisations of the Non-European people. The only sound bulwark against fascism was the extension of the franchise to all South Africans, said Dr Dadoo. "The future lies with the struggle of the Non-European people for the franchise".188 For his pains, Dr Dadoo himself, together with other Communist Party members, became the target for accusations that the Indian Congress was controlled by Communists. Replying to this smear campaign, Dr Dadoo reiterated the Communist Party's policy towards the national movements. "As far as the national movement is concerned", he said, "we work on principles and plans which are in conformity with the needs and requirements of the people. Communists come forward in this struggle because they are prepared to suffer and sacrifice in the struggle of the oppressed people. I challenge anyone to prove that we have acted contrary to the desires of the Indian people. The passive resistance struggle is the struggle of the Indian people". Defending Dr Dadoo, Natal Indian Congress President Dr G.M. Naicker, himself not a Communist, said any person, whether Communist or not, was accepted in Congress as long as he was not a quisling or prepared to sell his people. Of the Natal Indian Congress executive committee, only 6 out of 25 members were Communists, while not one of the official positions was held by a Communist. Sundra Pillay, Cape Passive Resistance Council chairman, and Dr A.H. Sader, chairman of the NIC branch at Ladysmith, were amongst others who supported the right of Communists to take part in Congress affairs. Addressing a meeting at Durban's Red Square, Dr Dadoo said: "I am proud to be a Communist. As a Communist I have dedicated my life to the principles of Socialism, of eventually ending the rotten system of capitalism, which brings untold misery to millions".189 Moses Kotane, speaking-in the same week at a Cape Town meeting to celebrate the 100th anniversary of the Communist Manifesto said: "The fullest freedom for the self-expression of nationalities can be found only within the framework of socialism".190 Response to the call of Dr Dadoo and the CP Central Committee took the form of a People's Assembly for Votes for All which was held in Johannesburg in May 1948. Opened by the Rev. Michael Scott, the Assembly, though confined for organisational reasons to representatives from the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, was very broad-based, with 322 delegates representing a total of 706,990 people - 53 from residents' associations, 43 from 27 branches of the ANC, 17 Advisory Board delegates, 48 delegates from 33 trade unions, 8 from peasants' organisations, plus four African chiefs. The manifesto adopted by the Assembly declared: "We state our solemn belief, strengthened by the experience of years of Government neglect, that until our people participate as equals in the governing of their own country, there will be found neither the desire nor the ability in the Government under which we live to provide all our people all the happiness and prosperity which modern society can offer. Where there is no freedom the people perish. Raising high the banner of freedom, the banner of the liberation and the salvation of our people, we pledge that we shall not rest until all adult men and women of all races in South Africa have the right to stand for, vote for and be elected to all the representative bodies which rule over the people". The calling of the Assembly had caused some heart-burning in Congress circles and the Transvaal ANC had refused to take part. African delegate L. Ngakane, representing the Federation of Progressive Students, said: "I feel very sore about the resolution of the Transvaal African National Congress which condemns the Assembly. It means our Congress is the stumbling block. Which will come first: our rights or our leaders?" With only three dissentients, the Assembly adopted a resolution asking for a national assembly of the South African peoples where the People's' Charter for votes for all could be democratically discussed by delegates representing the entire nation. The resolution instructed the Assembly working committee to convene a joint meeting of the African National Congress, the South African Indian Congress and the African People's Organisation at which these three bodies would "be informed that it is the desire of the representatives of the Transvaal and Orange Free State peoples here assembled that the sponsorship, direction and responsibility for the National Assembly be assumed jointly by them, and that the convening call for the National Assembly be issued under their joint signatures". If the Transvaal ANC had feared the Assembly would challenge its own authority, here was the answer. African delegate Gaur Radebe said he would like a clear statement from the African National Congress on whether or not it was prepared to take part in this carnpaign.191 The matter was finally thrashed out at a special conference of the Transvaal African National Congress held in Johannesburg in July when, after eight hours of heated discussion, a motion of no confidence in Transvaal ANC chairman Mr C.S. Ramohanoe for issuing a statement in May supporting the holding of the People's Assembly was withdrawn. Speaking for the Transvaal Executive Committee, Nelson Mandela said the ANC Executive had not been in opposition to the aims of the Assembly, but felt it was being summoned in an incorrect manner, by-passing the national organisations. There were suspicions that a permanent "unity movement" was being formed. For these and other reasons, the Provincial Executive resolved that it would only participate in the Assembly if the existing Working Committee was replaced by a body representative of the three great Non-European national organisations.192 Between these two conferences, the general election had taken place. In an interview with the Guardian on May 20, 1948, Kotane issued a call to all progressives to vote for the candidates of the Communist Party and back its call for equal rights and opportunities for all South Africans. In particular, he urged all Coloureds who had the vote not to listen to those amongst them who were urging a total boycott of the elections. Even where there was no Communist Party candidate standing, said Kotane, the Coloureds should vote for the United Party rather than the Nationalist Party; it was wrong to argue that there were no differences between them, even though both were supporters of white supremacy. The victory of the Nationalist Party on May 26 stunned the country and the first reaction in many quarters was one of bewilderment. Some elements in the national liberatory organisations thought their best policy was to come to terms with the new regime. The Joint Passive Resistance Council took the opportunity to suspend the campaign against the Ghetto Act, pending a declaration from the Government of its intentions towards the Indian people. The secretary of the Natal Indian Congress sent a cable of congratulations to Dr Malan. At the Cape Provincial Conference of the African National Congress in July, the Rev. J.A. Calata in his opening speech, said the African people should accept the Government and find a way of co-operating with it in promoting "our welfare". Both Natal Indian Congress Secretary A.I. Meer and Rev. Calata stressed, in the words of the latter, that "there is very little difference between the policies of the two parties as far as we are concerned". Three prominent members of the ANC in the Eastern Cape had presented an address of loyalty to Dr Malan in October.193 Calata's views were rejected in no uncertain manner by the Congress conference, which passed a resolution opposing the policy of apartheid and demanding African representation on all governing bodies of the land. As for the Natal Indian Congress cable, this was condemned as "a stupid blunder" by Dr Dadoo and Dr Naicker, both serving six-month sentences at the time for resisting the Ghetto Act. Interviewed in jail, "they said that when the most reactionary political party in the country wins control of the government, organisations fighting for democracy and freedom do not congratulate it on its success."194 The Communist Party's Central Committee reacted to the election result with a clear statement analysing the reasons for the defeat of the United Party and indicating the way forward. "The defeat of the United Party and the victory of the Nationalists flows directly from the fact that the majority of South Africans were prevented from taking any part in the struggle against reaction which "was waged at the polls last Wednesday", said the statement. "All democratic elements must henceforth devote themselves to the task of developing a broad democratic front to resist any attempt to attack the present rights of any section of the people, and which will fight for the extension of democracy".195 Within weeks of coming to power, the Malan Government had made it quite clear in which direction it was going to move. The war-time traitor Robey Leibbrandt and his colleagues were released from jail, the training of African artisans was stopped, and the Government announced its intention to curb the trade union movement, to do away with the limited franchise rights of the Indian, Coloured and African people, and to suppress the Communist Party. In a statement, Moses Kotane saw these moves as "part of the Nationalist programme to unleash in this country the same vile and retrogressive forces which Hitler let loose on the continent of Europe", and called on all South Africans to raise their voice in protest so that fascism would find no place in South Africa.196 The victory of the Malan Government gave the Nationalist theoreticians at Stellenbosch their opportunity to float the first Bantustan balloon, arguing that total physical separation was the only logical and morally defensible means of implementing the apartheid policy. "The Stellenbosch professors are correct when they say that the Africans cannot be kept within the same economic system without extending political rights to them", commented Kotane, "but their solution of separation must be emphatically rejected." Past promises of granting more land to the African people had not been implemented, and the new proposals were simply a device to intensify the exploitation of the African people. "I believe the only real solution to the problem is to regard all peoples as citizens with equal rights instead of regarding them as black and white", he added. "I reject any suggestion to split the country on racial lines." However, he conceded, if "white South Africa" was not prepared to live with other sections of the population, "then the only other solution would be equitable partition".197 This was by way of a personal aside, as it never formed part of CP policy. A CP statement dealing with the Nationalist Government's threat against itself said: "The Government threatens the existence of the Communist Party, because it is the chief spokesman of the people against fascism, race oppression, poverty and war. If permitted this attack will be followed by attacks on the trade unions, the Labour Party, liberals, the non-European democratic organisations, and finally, all opponents of the Government. "There is another road which South African can choose, the road of expanding economy and wider democracy, of greater opportunities for all races and an extension of political rights to all citizens." Calling for 'the formation of an anti-Nationalist front, the CP said it was necessary to build the will and the capacity of the people to resist the fascist onslaught. "These are the tasks which face the democratic forces in South Africa: to build and improve the trade unions and all working class organisations; to strengthen the national liberatory movements and make them effective weapons in, the fight for equal rights and opportunities;, and to create a wide democratic front which will put an end to Nationalist tyranny, race oppression and the menace of fascism"198 What brought home to the African people the real menace of Nationalist rule - perhaps more than any other measure proposed at this time - was the publication in the Government Gazette of September 10, 1948 of a draft Proclamation No.1890 for the "Financial Protection of Natives". Promulgated under the Native Administration Act of 1927 and lacking only the signature of the Governor-General before becoming law, the proclamation simply stated that no organisation or individual could collect money from Africans without the written permission of a Native Commissioner or magistrate. The only exceptions would be registered businesses or state-aided schools and approved religious bodies. The Government at first pretended that the measure was simply one to protect the Africans against swindlers and racketeers, but the Secretary for Native Affairs, asked whether the proclamation would apply also to African trade unions and political and national bodies, replied "Yes". "And to the Communist Party?" - "Yes". "Was the proclamation prepared knowing it would affect these organisations too" - "Yes".199 Threatening every form of African organisation, and indeed any organisation drawing support in any way from the African people, including hundreds of separatist churches, the measure led to a national outcry. Brushing aside the Government's explanations, Kotane said in a statement on behalf of the Central Committee: "We are convinced it has been formulated in pursuance of the policy of apartheid, a policy of humiliation and exploitation of the African people, and of preventing them from organising themselves to improve their economic, social and political conditions".200 After the Trades and Labour Council, among numerous other bodies, had expressed its concern, 110 delegates representing 215,278 people met in the Trades Hall, Johannesburg, towards the end of September, 1948, to demand the withdrawal of this "undemocratic, unwarranted, unjust and barbaric measure". The Transvaal Council of Non-European Trade Unions, which had organised the conference, was asked to seek an interview with the Minister of Native Affairs and convey to him the conference's views, and a committee of 15 was elected to "devise ways and means of offering effective' and determined resistance in the event of the proclamation becoming law".201 The African leaden were quickly shaping up to the threat of continued Nationalist rule. After meeting in Bloemfontein, the African members of the Native Representative Council rejected the Government's policy of apartheid. "In the light of the industrial and economic development taking place in the country", their statement said, "the members of the Representative Council feel that the need for emphasising the urgency of adopting the policy of integration rather than one of separation is greater today than ever before".202 This was followed by a meeting of 12 African leaders in Bloemfontein at the beginning of October to discuss the question of unity. The composition of the conference was arbitrary; not a single left-wing personality was invited by the convenor, Dr Xuma, but those present included three members of the All-African Convention (Professor Jabavu, the Rev. Mahabane and Dr J.S. Moroka) and six members of the NRC. A statement issued by the 12, after strongly protesting against "the callous disregard of the fundamental rights of the African by the Government", and singling out for special condemnation the infamous Proclamation 1890, declared: "The primary necessity in meeting the challenge is unified action on the part of the African people. "We are convinced that the preliminary step in this direction is the Unification of the main African political organisations - the African National Congress and the All African Convention into 'THE ALL AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS', united and inspired by common principles and a common programme of action for the achievement of the liberation of the African people".203 The call for unity, originally sounded by the Communist Party, was now being echoed on all sides. Viewing the prospects of the December 16 conference, Dr Moroka in a press interview said: "Unity is the only thing that can save the Mrican people . . . We feel that when we have established unity among the Mricati people, we can go to the Indians, Coloureds and democratic Europeans - to all those who believe in freedom for all people in South Africa - and together with them call a national convention to decide how best to fight for the liberty of all the oppressed in South Mrica. We realise that Africans must fight side by side with the other sections of the oppressed peoples in this country".204 At a 3-day conference in Johannesburg, the Transvaal African National Congress passed a resolution urging "the national executive to work out a scheme of co-operation with other Non-European national organisations to jointly oppose the apartheid policy of the government".205 At its annual conference in Johannesburg, the Transvaal branch of the African People's Organisation (APO) resolved to ask its executive to call an emergency conference in Kimberley the following month to discuss, the relationship of the APO to other national organisations, the Indian Congress, ANC, AAC and Unity Movement. Once again, Proclamation 1890 was the main bugbear of the APO conference.206 Opposition to the proposed unity conference on December 16 came from two sources. On the one hand the Western Province committee of the All-African Convention condemned the unity call, saying: "It is not a sincere move for unity of the African people but merely a manoeuvre of the members of the Native Representative Council, the liberals, and reactionaries in the leadership of the African National Congress". The purpose of the move said the committee's statement, is "to eliminate the Convention with its policies of boycotting the NRC and of non-collaboration with the instruments of our oppression".207 But the left wing inside Congress was also unhappy. One week before the unity conference was due to take place, veteran trade unionist Gana Makabeni described the situation as one of "organised confusion". "No one can be against unity", he said, "but even members of the Congress Working Committee were not aware of all the preparations for the unity moves, and were never consulted".208 Once again Kotane was to play an important role both at the Unity conference on December 16 and at the separate ANC conference which was held in Bloemfontein in the same week. From the outset it was apparent that despite all the resolutions, there was no real basis for unity between the ANC and the AAC. Opening the discussions on behalf of the AAC, Mr I. Tabata laid down four conditions on which his organisation would agree to unity: 1. That the new organisation be based on the Convention's 10-point programme. 2. That the federal structure of the AAC be retained. 3. That the Unity should be based on the principle of the unity of all the Non-Europeans. 4. That any unity should be based on the policy of "non-collaboration with the oppressor". Speaking for the ANC, Professor Matthews said: "To the average Congress person the proposal of the AAC seems to mean that one mouthpiece of the African people (the AAC) is wanting to swallow up the other mouthpiece (the ANC)". Kotane said the two groups had different conceptions of unity. "We want one political organisation that will speak for the individual members of that organisation. We want to eliminate conflicting directions, interests and ideologies. A federal organisation tends to be an organisation of different interested bodies that come together to consult but have always to go back to their executives for directions". After hours of wrangling it was unanimously agreed "that the principle of unity be adopted". But as agreement could not be reached on any other point, it was decided to leave it to the two executive committees to meet again and discuss the matter further. The joint meeting was held in Bloemfontein on April 17-18, 1949, with Communists Kotane, J.B. Marks and Lucas Phillips included in the ANC delegation of 11, but once again after hours of wrangling no agreement could be reached. A statement was issued saying that the talks had been adjourned "to a later date", but for all practical purposes the unity bid had come to an end.209 Writing to Professor Matthews, who had had to leave the talks before the end, Kotane explained what had happened and added: "I am convinced that we cannot come to an understanding with the conventionites, especially if they still have Dr Gool, Mr Tabata and Mr Tsotsi as their leaders. Their 'non-collaboration' policy is in one sense a cover or pretext for not doing any practical work. While I am strongly for the boycotting of inferior institutions set up to perpetuate the oppression and exploitation of the African people, I nevertheless do not agree that the boycott should be carried out without regard to the support we have for it".210 Kotane was speaking from practical experience, for in Cape Town he had participated in an attempted joint campaign between the Communist Party and the Goolites to oppose the Government's introduction of apartheid on the Cape suburban trains. The Communists had proposed a campaign of defiance of train apartheid and, when it became clear that the "non-collaborators" were non-collaborating with this campaign too, had been forced to dissociate themselves from their so-called "allies".211 For participating in this campaign, Kotane had another of his many brushes with the law, being charged together with a number of his colleagues with incitement to public violence, incitement to break railway regulations and the promotion of hostility between Africans and Europeans, but the case came to nothing. -- -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. You don't have to put anything in the message part. 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