This is the article from The New Yorker, recommended by the ACN (Cuban News
Agency), here given in full, for the record.
In my opinion this article is misleading, or less than clear, and notably in
the first two paragraphs. To rely on ad hoc "coalitions" is not a virtue. 
The facts say the opposite, anyway. The burden is being carried, not by
last-minute "coalition" voluntarism, but by those who have invested and
prepared themselves over a long time, such as MSF and the Cubans.
VC
  _____  


 

New Yorker.png

 

 

Cuba’s Ebola Diplomacy

 

 

Jon Lee Anderson, The New Yorker, New York, 4 November 2014

 

Even in this age of international coalitions, the one arrayed against the
Ebola outbreak in West Africa is impressive. In September, more than a
hundred and thirty nations voted in favor of a United Nations Security
Council resolution declaring the virus, which is rampant in Liberia, Guinea,
and Sierra Leone, a threat to international security and creating the U.N.
Mission for Ebola Emergency Response, or UNMEER, devoted to fighting the
virus. The mission was put under the control of Anthony Banbury, a veteran
U.N. troubleshooter, who hoped to tackle the job without the red tape that
often bogs down U.N. missions. Within a week, Banbury had assembled a team
of international experts, selected from thousands volunteers from the U.N.’s
myriad agencies, and headed off to kick-start operations at his new field
headquarters, in Accra, Ghana.

 

President Obama has also made Ebola a top priority, ordering sixty-five
health professionals, supported by nearly four thousand U.S. troops, to
Liberia to help oversee the construction of eighteen mobile health clinics
there. The United Kingdom has undertaken a similar initiative, dispatching
seven hundred and fifty troops and medical teams to Sierra Leone, a former
British colony. Other countries, including Japan and India, have made
donations of money, equipment, and small teams of medical personnel. Last
week, after coming under criticism for not doing more, China announced that
it will send its own sizeable military contingent and medical corps to the
region.

 

But, in a sense, all of these countries are following the lead of Cuba. On
September 12th, President Raúl Castro’s health minister announced that Cuba
would send nearly five hundred health-care professionals to West Africa.
Since then, a hundred and sixty-five Cubans have arrived in Sierra Leone and
a second group of eighty-three have arrived in Liberia and Guinea; two
hundred more are expected. No other country, to date, has contributed as
many trained health-care professionals to the Ebola crisis as Cuba has. (The
closest parallel to Cuba’s effort may be Doctors Without Borders, the
French-based humanitarian organization, which currently has more than two
hundred and fifty international medical staff in the region, as well as more
than three thousand local workers.)

 

Cuba has long been known for its roving teams of medical doctors and nurses.
Indeed, Cuba, an island nation of eleven million people, with eighty-three
thousand trained doctors—one of the highest proportions of doctors in the
world—has become something like the world’s first responder to international
crises in recent years. It dispatched hundreds of Cuban medical personnel to
Pakistan after an earthquake in 2005 and to Haiti following the catastrophic
2010 earthquake there, as well as to other far-flung emergencies. At any
given time, there are an estimated fifty thousand Cuban doctors working in
slums and rural areas in as many as thirty other developing nations around
the world; up to thirty thousand work in Venezuela, in a bilateral
aid-for-oil arrangement that was initiated by the late President Hugo
Chávez.

 

This is the result of a long-term strategy that the Cuban government has
pursued since seizing power in 1959. The policy is both economic and
political. Health-workers are an exportable resource that, with an
investment in schools, a small country without many natural ones can produce
on a large scale. Castro’s medical internationalism has been a huge
financial boon to the island, earning it an estimated eight billion dollars
a year. But the focus on medical training has also contributed to the
endurance of Cuba’s appeal in the developing world, nearly a quarter century
after the collapse of Communism elsewhere. Hundreds of thousands of students
from Africa, Asia, Latin America—and some from the United States—have
received subsidized medical educations at the Latin American School of
Medicine, which has its main campus in western Havana. In 2013, an estimated
nineteen thousand five hundred students from more than a hundred countries
were said to be enrolled there. Participation in Cuba’s international
medical corps provides additional income for the island’s underpaid doctors
and nurses; it is also a source of pride. In its appeal for Ebola duty,
Cuba’s government was deluged with more than fifteen thousand volunteers.
(In addition to deploying intensive-care doctors and nurses, the Cuban teams
in West Africa include surgeons, anesthesiologists, epidemiologists, and
pediatricians, in an attempt to provide a comprehensive range of health
care.)

 

Cuba’s outsize gesture in West Africa has not gone unnoticed, and may pave
the way for the start of some Ebola diplomacy between Havana and Washington.
On October 19th, Secretary of State John Kerry named Cuba as a nation that
had made an “impressive” effort in the anti-Ebola campaign. Ten days later,
following a Havana conference on Ebola that was attended by two American
officials representing the C.D.C., in a highly unusual break with procedure
between the two nations, which do not have normal diplomatic relations, Raúl
Castro said, pointedly, “Cuba is willing to work side by side with all
nations, including the U.S., in the fight against Ebola.” Returning on
Friday from her own fact-finding tour of the Ebola-struck countries, the
U.N. Ambassador Samantha Power also pointedly praised the Cuban mission.

 

The Ebola diplomacy follows a friendly handshake that Raul Castro and
President Obama exchanged at Nelson Mandela’s funeral in South Africa, last
December, and has added to anticipation that the Obama Administration may
seek to finally lift the remaining restrictions in the United States’ trade
embargo against Cuba. The embargo has been in place for forty-three years;
removing it would pave the way for a full restoration of diplomatic
relations. (Thanks to the Helms Burton Act, which Clinton signed into law,
entirely lifting the embargo requires an act of Congress. But Obama can
apparently scrap most of its provisions by executive order.) The Times
editorial page has twice in the past month called for a lifting of the
embargo, citing Cuba’s Ebola initiatives in its second piece. On Tuesday,
and not for the first time, the U.N. General Assembly voted overwhelmingly
against the U.S. embargo against Cuba. This time, the vote count was a
hundred and eighty-eight to two. Speaking at a conference called “Cuba in
Transition” that was held at Columbia University in mid-October, Greg Craig,
a Washington lawyer and former White House counsel, pointed out that the
time for Obama to move on Cuba was coming up very soon, or not at all. He
said that the ideal time to do so would be after the U.S. midterm elections,
thus minimizing any domestic political fallout, and before the Summit of the
Americas, a meeting of the hemisphere’s leaders that is convened every three
years, and which will be held in April, in Panama. Both Obama and Raul
Castro—who has been invited at the insistence of the other leaders, in an
unprecedented vote at the last, summit in 2012, have already said that they
will attend. If Obama and Raúl Castro do meet there, it will be the first
time in more than half a century that an American leader and a Cuban leader
have sat down at the same table across from each other. At Columbia, Craig
said his advice to Obama was simple: “Just do it.”

 

From: http://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/cubas-ebola-diplomacy

 

 

 

 

 

 

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