This speech, delivered on 5 December 2014, is a well-prepared brief history of trade unionism in South Africa and summary of the present conjuncture. The speech was received for distribution, today. It is relevant and will remain so while the current difficulties in COSATU are being resolved. _____
SACP Western Cape Provincial Council Meeting, 5 December 2014 Speech by the COSATU President Sidumo Dlamini SACP Western Cape Provincial Council The leadership of the SACP in the district The entire leadership of the alliance present Comrades, activists present here today As COSATU we are glad to have been invited to come and address this meeting at a time when our revolution is being tested to the limit. Let me state upfront that COSATU is going through challenges and sometimes the description of these challenges gets deliberately exaggerated to create a picture of an organisation that is dying if not dead already. Perhaps it will help to provide a historical perspective to these challenges, especially because we are at the beginning of December, a month which marks exactly 29 years since COSATU was born. Please allow me to briefly reflect on the history of the federation and as part of that I would like to summon from the grave comrade Karl Marx who in 1852 wrote in the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte that "men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please; they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past. The tradition of all dead generations weighs like an Alp on the brains of the living. And just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time-honoured disguise and borrowed language."- Before COSATU came into existence there were other federations which existed and it is important to surface a few historical and relevant issues which led to the formation, popularity and relevance of these formations to the workers. It is also important to learn from the reasons which occasioned the demise of these trade union formations which like COSATU had been formed through the sweat of toiling masses. This may help to provide a prism through which we are able to properly understand the current challenges and how best to confront them by learning from our forbearers. As Marx said "The tradition of all dead generations weighs like an Alp on the brains of the living. And just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time-honoured disguise and borrowed language."- Almost all the trade union federations which came before COSATU became relevant and supported by workers on the bases of their militancy in forcing employers to accede on workers' demands to improve their working conditions. Many of these trade union formations understood both theoretically and in practice the interconnectedness between the core trade union workplace struggles and their role in the national liberation struggle as led by political formations such as the ANC and the SACP who had also played a role in the formation of these trade union federations. Common amongst the reasons which led to the demise of these trade union formations was the inability to strike a balance between their core trade union role and their political responsibility which came with their inevitable role in the national liberation struggle. Please travel with me down memory lane! The Industrial and Commercial Union - ICU The Industrial and Commercial Union was formed in 1919 at the Cape under the leadership of Clement Kadalie. In the period 1927-1928 the ICU claimed more than 150 000 members. It started off as an effective militant and reliable representative of workers but later in its life the ICU failed to provide effective activist leadership. On amongst others it failed to develop strategy and tactics on how it was to proceed towards the realization of its socio-economic demands. It also failed to promote strike action where it was clearly warranted. For an example when spontaneous strikes took place at the Witwatersrand and in Durban in 1927, the organization was unable to lend support and provide leadership. Development of Factions within the ICU leading to the disintegration of ICU With all the attendant challenges, two factions developed within the ICU constituted in the main by those who supported more militant action, and those who advocated moderation. This, together with financial problems, was largely responsible for the gradual decline of the ICU. After Kadalie resigned in January 1929 and Natal banished Champion for three years in 1930, the ICU disintegrated and died out in the early 1930s. Nonetheless, even though the ICU disintegrated, it remains a point of historical reference in the emergence of militant trade unionism in South Africa because it helped to make blacks more aware of their exploitation. In addition, it cut across traditional loyalties in its attempt to unite black people as workers. The decline and disappearance of the ICU did not mark the end of the organized black trade union movement or joint workers' action in industry, and various black trade unions followed in its wake. A contributory factor was the introduction of a Wage Board, to which organized labour could make representations on matters concerning wages and working conditions. The Council of Non-European Trade Unions In November 1941 African workers (after the death of the ICU) continued to maximize their efforts to consolidate and bring together African trade unions to form a federation to be called the Council of Non-European Trade Unions (CNETU). However, these trade unions were not recognized by the South African government or the employers. Two groups of trade unions joined to form the CNETU and this became South Africa's largest trade union federation at the time. The first group, the Joint Committee of African Trade Unions was under the leadership of Max Gordon, the secretary of the Laundry Workers Union. The second group, the Coordinating Committee of African Trade Unions, was led by Gana Makabeni. He was the leader of the ICU and later secretary of the African Clothing Workers Union. Moses Kotane <http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/people/bios/kotane,m.htm> , (as comrade Cyril Ramaphosa did towards the formations of COSATU) a member of the ANC and SACP presided over the inaugural conference. The conference resolved that if the working conditions of the African workers were to be properly addressed and improved, strong black trade unions had to be set up and guided by the coordinating body. As a result, CNETU was formed to address the poor working conditions of African workers. After its inception CNETU also developed strong working ties with the ANC and the SACP. Though it was formed to address the issues affecting workers, CNETU had limited participation in political activities of the 1950s. It openly threw its support behind the demonstrations and stay-aways that were called by the liberation movements. Realizing that their struggle in isolation would not bring forth the anticipated results in South Africa, CNETU joined unions around the world in establishing the first progressive International Trade Union Centre (ITUC). The ITUC claimed to represent workers throughout the world. CNETU was again part of history when the World Federation of Trade Unions was launched in London in 1945. Formation of factions leading to the Collapse of the CNETU CNETU subsequently experienced problems that culminated in its collapse. Four years after its formation it showed signs of decline and its membership began to dwindle. There were a number of reasons for this. Among others were the following: The appointment of J.B Marks <http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/people/bios/marks-jb.htm> as president in 1945, in the place of Gana Makabeni. At the time comrade J.B. Marks was the chairman of the African Mine Workers Union. Makabeni also lost the support of the most progressive elements within the Council as a result of the disappointing reformist policies he adopted. One of these was to work together with the Department of Labour officials. After he had been replaced, Makabeni tried to form a splinter group called the Council of African Trade Unions (CATU) with limited success. In 1946 CNETU participated in a potentially crippling strike called by the African Mineworkers Union (AMU). The Union demanded a minimum wage of ten shillings a day, family housing, paid leave and other improvements; failing which a general strike would be their last resort. In June CNETU emerged to announce its support for a strike by mineworkers. On 12 August 1946 about 60 000 to 70 000 miners stayed away from work. CNETU decided to fulfill its pledge and called a sympathetic general strike the following day. The government dealt harshly with the strikers. The police were deployed in townships, at stations and at bus terminals. The strike destroyed AMU and seriously crippled CNETU. In the following year CNETU lost 22 affiliates. There were internal structural problems in CNETU; the federation was built on a shaky foundation. Most of the trade unions affiliated to CNETU failed to organize themselves properly, with members changing their jobs from one factory to another over a short period of time. Another internal problem was caused by CNETU's political position. The leadership was divided into three basic political orientations. The first camp supported the South African Communist Party while the second camp supported the Trotskyites. Another group supported the African National Congress. Does this sound familiar? This division was centered on what method to apply when waging a strike. Daniel Koza from the Trotskyite camp and leader of the Commercial and Distributive Workers Union favored militant action. Koza and his group deepened the division when they formed the Progressive Trade Union Group within CNETU. This group attempted to take over the leadership of the federation during its 1945 annual conference but was subsequently expelled after its failure. The final reason that contributed to the decline of CNETU was the legislation implemented by the government to regulate liberation movements and African trade unions. The first government measure that weakened the CNETU was the Suppression of Communism Act of 1950. Most of the leaders of the trade unions were arrested in terms of this act. Trade unions were also banned. CNETU's final blow from the government was the introduction of the Native Labour Act <http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/chronology/special-chrono/governance/apar theid-legislation.html> . This Act made provision for the establishment of separate conciliation machinery for Africans in which workers would be represented by the workers committees operating under the guidance of the Bantu Labour Officers. This structure excluded union representatives. After the introduction of the Native Labour Act, CNETU split up and trade unions were left leaderless. The South African Congress of Trade Unions - SACTU With the introduction of apartheid laws, such laws as the Suppression of Communism Act it hit unions hard. Black workers left the Trades & Labour Council to join the Trade Union Council of South Africa (TUCSA), which had an ambivalent relation to Black unions, often excluding them or keeping them in check in favour of its white members. In 1955 the more progressive members of TUCSA formed an alliance with CNETU to establish the South African Congress of Trade Unions <http://www.sahistory.org.za/organisations/south-african-congress-trade-unio ns-sactu> (SACTU), which was founded on the 5th March 1955 at a Conference in Johannesburg with a declaration titled "Organize or Starve" and concluded with a resolve that "this body shall determinedly seek to further and protect the interests of all workers, and that its guiding motto shall be the universal slogan of working class solidarity: 'AN INJURY TO ONE IS AN INJURY TO ALL! ' Like the Council of Non-European Trade Union (CNETU) before and even more so because of its non-racial theory and practice, SACTU directly challenged the economic base of Apartheid - the cheap labour system. The entire political superstructure that rests upon that base of exploitation was similarly threatened as a result. By 1959 SACTU had a membership of 46,000 in 35 affiliates. After the Sharpeville Massacre <http://www.sahistory.org.za/20th-century-south-africa/sharpeville-massacre- 21-march-1960> in 1960, the ANC and SACP jointly formed uMkhonto we Sizwe <http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/umkhonto-we-sizwe-mk> (MK) in 1961, and most of SACTU's leaders, who were also members of the ANC, joined the underground military organisation. But state repression saw many SACTU leaders and members arrested during the early 1960s, and by 1965 SACTU was decimated, leading to frenetic debates about the relationship between unions and the liberation movements. Does this sound familiar? The Federation of South African Trade Unions - FOSATU It was the spontaneous wave of strikes, which was started by dockworkers in Durban in 1973, which led to the renewal of union activity in the country. The state was unable to stem this renewal, and indeed it conceded that Black unions were there to stay when it implemented the recommendations of the Wiehahn Commission, allowing Black unions to become registered for the first time since 1956. The years from 1973 to 1985 saw a surge of unionism unprecedented in South African history. The launch of Metal and Allied Workers Union (MAWU) in 1973 was followed in 1974 by that of the Chemical Workers Industrial Union (CWIU) and the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU). The formation of the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) in 1979 brought another dimension to the union movement: while unions had always been part of the political project to achieve political rights for Blacks, questions about the relationship between unions and the liberation movements abounded ever since the demise of SACTU, and FOSATU saw its mission as the development of an independent union movement that would be more strategic in political engagement. Does this sound familiar? FOSATU was able to build the shop-floor capacity of all its unions, to the point that the union movement was able to bring the country to a standstill at crucial moments. But by the early to mid-1980s, unions were beginning to question FOSATU's arms-length relation to politics. Emergence of Factions within FOSATU There were huge differences between the various competing blocs in the union movement, and the divisions were based on a series of issues: whether unions should be general unions or more focused industrial unions; whether they should register; whether they should include white workers; whether they should engage in community politics; and whether they should have direct links to the liberation organisations such as the United Democratic Front <http://www.sahistory.org.za/organisations/united-democratic-front-udf> (UDF), Azanian People <http://www.sahistory.org.za/topic/azanian-peoples-organization-azapo> 's Organisation (AZAPO) and others. The union landscape was populated by a range of blocs: there was FOSATU; there was CUSA, the Black Consciousness-aligned federation; and there were Coloured unions that had on-and-off relations to TUCSA, among others. There was a clear recognition that unions would be more effective if they were united and this recognition led to the process of the dissolution of FOSATU and unity talks began as early as 1979, and accelerated from 1981 to 1985 towards the formation of a new federation. Formation of COSATU It is these above mentioned unity talks which led to the launch of COSATU in 1985 in Durban. Amongst the initial engagements were the deliberations which took place at the Langa Summit in 8 August 1981, where 100 representatives from 29 unions met to discuss a united response to the newly introduced labour laws which were the attempts to divide unions and tame them into its sweetheart unions. Even these early discussions were not without challenges where unions got divided around the question of being registered or not being registered. There were Congress-aligned unions which rejected registration and the FOSATU and CUSA-aligned unions who were eager to use the space opened up by registration. In April 1982 a Second union summit on unity was convened in Wilgespruit and it resolved to work towards a new, all-inclusive labour federation. A third summit, held in July 1982 in Port Elizabeth, saw bitter divisions over a range of issues, and failed to move towards agreement for the basis of a broad federation. During this Summit there had emerged a grouping of some seven community based unions who tabled 7 non- negotiable principles at the Summit and were referred to as to as the Magnificent 7, who at some stage walked out leading to the collapse of the Summit. A fourth summit was convened in Athlone in April 1983 where it was agreed that the proposed federation could embrace unions with different policies, and a feasibility committee was set up to look at the issues. By that time the Magnificent Seven had compromised from their non negotiable seven demands. Some of the differences were between the unions who were aligned with the principles of the Freedom Charter <http://www.saha.org.za/news/2010/June/55_years_since_kliptown_the_history_o f_the_freedom_charter.htm> and affiliated to the UDF and those from the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU), who remained largely 'workerist', arguing for autonomy from political interests. FOSATU also emphasised the central role of the shop stewards in bargaining and negotiating structures. On 8th and 9th June, 1985, a fifth and which became a final summit was held at Ipeleng in Soweto, where a wide range of unions brought their national executive committees to deliberate on the way forward. Unions aligned to the UDF, Black Consciousness, and representing various positions on the nature of the federation, were represented by 400 delegates. The meeting was chaired by comrade Cyril Ramaphosa <http://www.sahistory.org.za/people/matamela-cyril-ramaphosa> (who is also presiding in this process of preserving the integrity of the unity of workers under COSATU) who was then the General Secretary of the NUM which had broken away from CUSA. This Summit proposed a tight federation and set out its five founding principle as non-racialism, 'one union one industry', worker control, representation on the basis of paid-up membership, and co-operation at national and international level. These are the principles we continue to defend up to this day and they are currently under threat. On 30th November 1985, more than 760 delegates from 33 unions descended on the sports hall of the University of Natal, in Durban, at Howard College campus to inaugurate the new trade union federation. This was followed by a rally which was held at Kings Park Stadium attended by thousands of workers. COSATU was born at the time when the political tempo had reached its peak in the country. It was during a state of emergency which signalled the consolidation of a total onslaught by the apartheid regime against the liberation movement. This total onslaught was characterised by counter-revolutionary violence against the progressive forces in KwaZulu Natal and throughout the country. The Apartheid regime had formed its own federation working in alliance with the IFP called UWUSA which meted violence against members of COSATU affiliated unions. During this period four MAWU shop stewards were burnt alive. Warlords surrounded the venue where the COSATU Congress was held threatening to attack the delegates. Our people were being killed, their houses razed on the ground, entire families - including children were forced to be on the run. This was followed by the most brutal attacks to be launched against the trade union movement and the democratic forces. COSATU officials and offices came under attack by IFP and government forces. Offices were invaded in Madadeni, Mandeni and Newcastle; the houses of COSATU officials were petrol-bombed; while other officials were abducted or arrested, and workers were attacked. The state, for its part, declared a second state of emergency, and mounted a vicious campaign of detentions and crackdowns. Many unionists were arrested or harassed, in the first six weeks of the emergency, 2700 unionists were detained, the majority of them from COSATU. COSATU's headquarters, COSATU House in Johannesburg, was barricaded by the SADF, who monitored all movements in and out of the building. Companies sometimes pressured unions to switch to the Inkatha-organised United Workers' Union of South Africa (UWUSA), and withheld recognition if unions continued being affiliates of COSATU. The federation was attacked by the government and Inkatha, who both reiterated the charge that COSATU was a front for the ANC. This accusation came despite the fact that people from a broad range of organisations had been meeting with the ANC in Lusaka and Harare since 1984, including prominent black and white businessmen and white Apartheid politicians. One of the most distinguished COSATU campaign was the one launched in May 1987 called the Living Wage Campaign. As part of its attacks against the federation directed at taking away the sting and the strategic initiative from COSATU, the apartheid government declared the day a public holiday on the day planned for action. COSATU joined the UDF and the NECC in the call for a two-day stay away on 5-6 May 1987, two days set aside by the state for the white general election. More than 2, 5-million people responded to the call. The day after the strike, in the early hours of 7 May, COSATU House was rocked by two bomb blasts. COSATU, NUM, Pwawu, TGWU, Sarwhu and MAWU all lost their head offices. After this incident the SABC launched a campaign of vilification that dared to present the blasts as the work of COSATU itself. Following these state sponsored media attacks the federation launched a 'HANDS OFF COSATU' campaign. It is painful to note that today we have hands off COSATU campaign, not against the Apartheid forces but from those who attack the federation from within. This matter will be elaborated on later. The formation of COSATU like the federations before it was not without the hand of the SACP and ANC. The ANC, SACP and SACTU had worked to strengthen the UDF-affiliated unions. During the unity talks the SACP and SACTU bluntly instructed the UDF unions (at the time referred to as the magnificent 7) to make whatever compromises were necessary to ensure they were part of the new super-federation when it was formed. COSATU's formation represented a considerable advance for the ANC and SACP. Its leadership was dominated by individuals who either were, or shortly became, supporters of the ANC alliance or members of its underground. Moreover, it had the potential to deliver organized working class power for revolutionary objectives on a scale unprecedented in South Africa. COSATU, in its turn, also had the potential to influence ANC and SACP strategy profoundly. One of the tasks which were undertaken by the newly elected leadership of the federation included meeting with the ANC in exile. The meeting took place from the 5th- 6th March 1986 and included the ANC, SACTU and COSATU leadership. At the end of the meeting a statement was issued which on amongst others committed to work towards the total destruction of the colonial and apartheid system. The statement, on amongst others said that in the specific conditions of our country it is inconceivable that such a system can be separated from economic emancipation. Our people have been robbed of their land, deprived of their due share in the country`s wealth, their skills have been suppressed and poverty and starvation have been their life experience. The correction of these centuries-old economic injustices lies at the core of our national aspirations. Accordingly they (the three formations) were united not only in their opposition to the entire apartheid system, but also in their common understanding that victory must embrace more than formal political democracy. This is the policy position which COSATU, ANC and the SACP continue to hold and it remains the glue which holds these alliance formations together. The COSATU delegation explained that the principal tasks facing the federation were to consolidate their membership and affiliates, rapidly effect conversion of the general unions which are part of COSATU into an industry-based union, within each industry, bring about mergers in order to realise the principle of one industry, one union and to unite the entire working force of our country under the banner of COSATU." It is when we looked back at this history that our eyes become wet and salute the generation of leaders which built COSATU into a force that it has become in society. We also look back and ask is to what has gone wrong when our generation is in charge of the organisation. It is important to reflect on this history so that we can understand the value of the organisation which is about to be destroyed when our generation of leaders are at the helm. It also important to reflect on this history so that we can understand that the problems we have today are not for the first time but they may be different in terms of form , content and their intent. Throughout its history COSATU has demonstrated resilience and capacity to rise to its challenges and resolved them. We will not fail today. To borrow from comrade Barayi "We have to make it clear to all that .... (we will) confront all who stand in (our) way (and) as COSATU will not stand for defeat" Comrades, the challenges confronting COSATU today are in the main about the undermining of COSATU constitution, its founding principles. These challenges are also about an attempt by some within the federation who wanted to impose a theoretical perspective regarding the path of our struggle which had never been agreed to in the constitutional meetings of the federation. Those who wanted to impose this theoretical perspective to COSATU claim to be fighting for Socialism and have arrogated to themselves a position of being super communist. This is where the SACP should sharply come in to provide theoretical clarity. It is important to expose their agenda which is being pursued in the name of demanding a radical COSATU when the real programme is steal COSATU and use it as a base to form a new political formation which can replace the ANC and the SACP. We have even recently seen people who were dismissed by their union SADTU for stealing workers money , speaking in the media and lying to workers with their straight faces because they think workers can be fooled with fiery slogans and just follow them. A thief is a thief and must never be allowed to hide behind being a trade unionist. This situation is like a thug who is being chased by the people and they shout bamba! The thug in return also shouts bamba! to confuse the oncoming and unsuspecting people who are may catch him or her! It is therefore important to have comrades understand what we stand for as COSATU in order to differentiate between what COSATU stands for against those who want to steal it. With regard to poaching COSATU policy says the following: a) That all affiliates must be compelled to implement COSATU decisions. COSATU must be empowered to enforce decisions that relate to poaching of members. Any affiliate that currently holds membership in a sector that is not classified as their scope in terms of current COSATU demarcation, should hand over such membership to the affiliate organising in that sector within a period of not more than six months. Any affiliate which breaches the terms of this resolution shall be subject to sanction by the CEC. With regard to the struggle for Socialism COSATU Policy says the following: a) Political transformation in our country has presented us with new challenges and new areas of struggle. b) One of the challenges that face COSATU presently is to concretely translate its commitment to socialism into a practical and understandable programme. c) The main strategic opponent of the working class has always been, and still is, domestic and international monopoly capital. Our enemy is not the ANC and or the SACP and amongst the areas of division inside the federation is an intention to have COSATU treats the SACP and the ANC as our enemies. We have refused! d) As COSATU we recognise that in South Africa, we are faced with a democratic state where economic power is still largely in the hands of a minority. e) We also know that the political arrangement that presently exists is a compromise born out of complex forces involved in the transition to democracy and not necessarily the ideal outcome for the working class and the disadvantaged. f) As a federation our ultimate objective is the transfer of political and economic power to the working class as a whole. In line with this objective, COSATU re-affirms its commitment to the struggle for a socialist society. g) As COSATU we continue to develop strategies that engage both the state and capital for the improvement of the material conditions of the majority, while developing a long-term vision of a socialist society. h) Our policies, in the short, medium to long-term, are underpinned by our ideological vision of a socialist society and the creation of a socialist state. i) Having noted all these, as COSATU we know that this comes with a responsibility to begin building socialism now. But how should COSATU pursue these socialist objectives? a) As COSATU we accept and acknowledge that no trade union movement can on its own fight and win socialism. The struggle for socialism should be led by a working class political party. The federation needs to fight for building blocks towards socialism. b) While COSATU must play a role in the formulation of such a programme, such a task is not only for the federation, but a mission for all socialist forces. c) As recognition of the role that must be played by socialist forces outside of the Federation, COSATU should develop links with credible socialist organisations nationally and internationally in order to challenge capital on a global front. d) In this regard we agreed to increase the depth of our relationship with the SACP as a political party with a socialist vision. e) In deepening the relationship with the SACP, COSATU should provide resources that will help strengthen the SACP and transform it into a formidable force capable of meeting the challenges and leading the struggle for socialism. f) We have also agreed that COSATU should further establish party units in workplaces and strengthen the SACP branches where they are weak and help and build new ones where they do not exist. g) Working with the SACP and the ANC, COSATU should develop mass media instruments (papers, programmes etc.) which give an alternative view of society, international issues and provide an outlet for socialist intellectual debate h) As a way of developing a socialist programme, COSATU should internally educate and mobilise workers and the working class broadly about the importance of their role and contribution in realising socialism. Within COSATU and its affiliates this could take the form of Socialist Forums at local level. i) We said that once a socialist programme has been developed, COSATU and SACP must discuss and jointly develop a broader programme for taking us to socialism. Such a programme could include joint programmes of action, continuous discussion, education fora and move towards a conference of the left with the ANC as one of the partners. We have never went to any Congress of COSATU and said that COSATU should mobilise communities to form a United Democratic Front or anything like that outside working with the ANC, the SACP , and SANCO. We have never gone to any COSATU Congress and said COSATU on its own can lead the struggle for Socialism or can form itself into a Socialist movement. Every time such ideas emerged in our congresses they got defeated, they will still be defeated now! COSATU support the struggle for Socialism under the leadership of the SACP! The immediate task is to defend the correctness and integrity of the SACP- led struggle for Socialism, defend the Alliance and defend COSATU. Let us go out and make our people to heed Mandela's warning when he said "Do not be deceived by men who talk big with no thought for tomorrow. Freedom is not just a matter of strong words. Neither is it simply brave men and heroic deeds. Impatience, which makes men lose their heads, will not bring freedom..... The nation needs brave men! We are all impatient, thirsty for freedom. But impatience alone leads to recklessness, and recklessness can lose us the battle. Amandla! -- -- You are subscribed. This footer can help you. Please POST your comments to [email protected] or reply to this message. You can visit the group WEB SITE at http://groups.google.com/group/yclsa-eom-forum for different delivery options, pages, files and membership. To UNSUBSCRIBE, please email [email protected] . You don't have to put anything in the "Subject:" field. 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