4th and Final Instalment of 4 on the SACP's "Organisational Renewal"
discussion document

 

 

'Towards an Organisational Review and Renewal Process':

 

Commentary in number order:

 

Clauses 21 to 35, of 35

 

D. Tweedie, 20 May 2015

 

 

21, 22.   "One of the major opportunities to build an even more radical ANC
is the current commitment by the ANC to a more radical second phase of our
transition. This, coupled with the current crisis of capitalism and the
related crisis of neo-Iiberalism, provides fertile ground for an even more
left-oriented ANC." This is a pitiful, minor aim that undermines the
revolutionary aim. It is disastrously wrong. The SACP is not an entryist
organisation trying to steer the ANC gradually to the left. To waste time on
such a small-minded preoccupation is to lose sight of the actual job, which
is to render a class in itself into a class for itself, and to facilitate
the revolutionising of the entire society through the creation of popular
agency, via the creation of democracy. This is the National Democratic
Revolution. It's slogan is "Power to the People." The NDR has nothing to do
with surreptitiously "influencing" the ANC or any other mass organisation,
to become more "radical", or more "left".

 

23.   "However, there is the persistent threat of the growth of a parasitic
and compradorial bourgeoisie with access to government and the danger of
such capturing the ANC and government," et cetera. This expresses the fear
that lies behind the desire for "control" and for "influence" (the latter
being a weasel word that actually means "control"). It identifies the writer
as one who is not able to understand that collective democratic agency must
stand free, and that if it is controlled, then the process of making it free
has been corrupted by the very Party that set out to render it as an agent
in the first place. This is the meaning of the phrase "The ANC leads". It
must lead, or it is not worth having. It cannot be a puppet, or a donkey to
be ridden into Jerusalem by holier person. Its agency includes the agency of
its component classes. Then, the working class must just win the battle of
democracy. If it does, it does, if it doesn't, it doesn't. If we don't trust
the working class to do this, then we might as well not be a communist
party.

 

24.   "Whatever scenario planning we do must be anchored on class analysis,
rather than abstract speculation." Scenario planning is not class analysis.
If you want scenario planning, it is because you want abstract speculation,
and not class analysis. This is probably just confusion, but it looks like
deception. It is the only place in this organisational renewal document
where class analysis is mentioned.

 

25.   "State power." Only bourgeois parties expect to have state power in a
bourgeois state.

 

26, 27.   "To remain relevant the SACP cannot afford to be a shadow of the
ANC led liberation movement imposed by the current dispensation." This is
the saddest statement in the whole organisational renewal document. Once
again, it shows that the writers have forgotten that it is Power to the
People that we are about, and that we as communists do not and must not
compete with the people for power. The ANC leads, because if it did not
lead, it would be useless. The whole point of the ANC is that it should
lead. How can communists not know this?

 

28, 29.   This clause is another reversion to the "new social forces"
thinking of the Eurocommunists. It imagines class formation as if class was
a problem for communists. Meanwhile the largest subjectively-self-conscious
mass in the country - the women - are ignored by this document, although
women remain unorganised, as women, in South Africa.

 

30.   This is another pitiful statement of capitulation and lack of
confidence: "we have a significant shortage of writers and theoreticians of
the SACP; there is a paucity of Marxist-Leninist intellectuals in our
universities and broader society. Instead the small grouping of Marxist
academics has been captured by the ultra-left, Trotskyite traditions. Our
publications are relatively stale with very few comrades that write. In
broader media work we are very weak, and even unable to exploit the space of
social media. A large part of our organizational renewal will have to focus
on a concrete strategy on this front that will perhaps begin to yield some
results in a decade or so, if we start addressing this in earnest from now."

 

This proposes that in about ten years' time the SACP might have a few
members who can write. In actual fact, the SACP has many members who can
write, today, but it stops them from writing. The SACP is afraid to allow
its members to write and publish what they write. This is the actual
problem, and not any lack of comrades who can write. This whole
"organisational renewal" document, and the especially the halting, furtive
process of its publication, is evidence of the fear of the authors of the
document, that comrades might get out of control and express themselves in
public without prior approval. This is too often the mentality of the SACP.
Because of this mentality, the SACP has been suppressing itself. Time
passing will not solve this problem.

 

31.   This clause is about the Communist University. The authors never
consulted the Communist University before, during or after writing this
clause or document. The SACP does not in fact support the Communist
University in any practical way. The SACP national office continues to
promise to put up the communist university stock of PDF material (courses),
but up to this time it has not done so. The SACP has endorsed the Communist
University before in words, including three years ago at Ongoye. But
actually, the SACP as an organisation shows no sign of embracing study
circles as a regular, "institutionalised" practice of the SACP. Instead, the
preferred method of indoctrination, and the use of induction as rite of
passage, or sacrament, continues to trump and to exclude the Communist
University. Instead of a self-balancing, self-managing, communistic
distributed network, the SACP hierarchy still wants to impose centralised
direction of political education. Whereas political education cannot
successfully be done in that centralised way, for the reasons so well
explained by the late Paulo Freire, among others; and if it was possible, we
would have already done it.

 

32, 33.   After a little bit of a sermon, these clauses ask: What are the
structural and institutional form and requirement of the Party organisation?
This is an abdication from the existing constitution, without any
examination of that constitution, or even a single allegation of any
specific weakness in that constitution. This can only be because the
existing constitution is extremely strong, and is for practical purposes,
flawless. Why is there this proposal for the breaking of something that does
not need to be fixed?

 

34, 35.   More sermonising and preaching; more undermining of the existing
constitution. It says that the one thing that must not be rewritten is the
programme (MTV / SARS), which is in fact a dead letter and a symbol, rather
than a programme. 

 

If this Organisational Renewal document is passed, the SACP constitution
will be dismantled and replaced by a catechism, which will be intended to
trump all study of the communist literature, while at the same time, the
dead-letter programme will be retained. 

 

Branches will wither on the vine and the party will be constituted as a
"brigade" without a structure.

 

This document needs to be rejected in total. Instead of it, there needs to
be a sincere "year of the branch", followed by another "year of the branch",
and another, until we have enough branches.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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