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South African Communist Party
Message to COSATU Special National Congress, 14 July 2015
as delivered by Deputy National Chairperson
Comrade Thulas Nxesi
Chair/Programme Director;
Leadership of COSATU;
Leadership and representatives of the Alliance partners: ANC, SANCO and
SACP;
Delegates and comrades;
Allow me to convey revolutionary greetings from the Central Committee of the
South African Communist Party - newly invigorated from our own Special
Congress. I want to thank COSATU for this opportunity to share ideas - and I
want to repeat the pledge of our General Secretary: that COSATU can depend
on the support of the SACP as a reliable ally in good times and when the
going gets tough.
I need to emphasise that point - because not all comrades are reliable. For
three decades the former Finance Minister operated at the highest level of
the Alliance - indeed, he was a creation of this same Alliance. During that
time not once did he raise his misgivings with the SACP and the Alliance.
Only now does he run to the capitalist media to recycle old stories based on
out-dated information. This smacks of either cowardice or duplicity.
Comrades, we must beware that the '1996 class project' does not try to
exploit tensions within our movement in order to stage a come-back.
This congress is taking place just a few weeks after Freedom Day - the 26th
June. That date may not mean much to the younger people, but the older
people present will remember that - in the years before the 1994 elections -
June 26th was known, internationally, as 'South African Freedom Day. It has
a long and proud history:
. Beginning in 1950 with national protests against the repression of the
Apartheid government and the slaughter of people taking part in a May Day
march organised by the then CPSA;
. In 1952 the ANC launched the Defiance Campaign on June 26th;
. In 1955 the Freedom Charter was adopted on the 26th June.
I mention this because I want us all to remember the proud political
tradition we come from; the leaders that came before; and those who fought
and sacrificed so that we might know freedom - and the long years of
political struggle that have brought us to where we are today. We have a
duty to fight to defend the tradition of the Freedom Charter:
. Against the onslaught of monopoly capital and neo-liberalism designed
to undermine labour organisation;
. Against the right-wing anti-majoritarian media attacks on our movement;
and
. Against the confusion spread by the ultra-left opportunists.
Challenges facing the Alliance: 'the sins of incumbency'
In considering the organisational challenges facing the Alliance I want to
draw on a document prepared by the Limpopo Provincial ANC at the time of the
2014 elections entitled Organisational Renewal - Vision 2018 - written with
the ANC in mind - but equally applicable to all sections of the Alliance:
The Document refers to "Our Fatal Organisational Weaknesses". Seven dangers
are listed:
1. the danger of social distance and isolation of the party from the
mass base;
2. the danger of state bureaucratisation and demobilisation of the
masses;
3. the danger of corruption and patronage;
4. the danger of institutionalised factionalism, ill-discipline and
disunity fuelled and inspired by the battles over the control of state power
and resources.
5. the danger of using state institutions to settle internal party
differences;
6. the danger of neglecting cadre development; and
7. the danger of lack of capacity and capability to implement policies
in order to rapidly improve the socio-economic conditions of our people.
This analysis was done with the ANC in mind - but the same factional and
incorrect behaviour has permeated throughout the Alliance - most seriously
within COSATU - even the SACP is not immune.
What do these organisational challenges mean to us - as the leadership and
cadres of the Alliance? I believe that the very real organisational dangers
- these fatal weaknesses - require that true cadres have to stand up and be
counted. On a practical level:
On corruption - As the Alliance, we have to be the first to expose and
condemn corruption - in all its forms. If we are seen to be indecisive on
this crucial matter of corruption, then other forces - opportunists from
right and left - will fill the vacuum. One of the causes of the divisions in
the labour movement is what we have called 'business unionism' - union
leaders fighting over business opportunities and perks. Comrades, step away
from those tenders. If you hold political office - you have no business
being in business - especially where there is conflict of interest.
At the Party Congress we discussed this matter and the view was: Reduce
out-sourcing and tenders - particularly at local level - and where possible
simply employ people directly, or work with cooperatives. This would be in
areas such as security, maintenance of roads and buildings and school
feeding schemes.
Secondly - As leadership - we must be in the forefront of mass work and the
tasks of political education. You can never be too busy - or too important -
to undertake these tasks. We have to reassert the tactics and strategy of
mass mobilisation and campaigns - tactics which made our organisations
strong in the past.
On the issue of political education the Party Congress, called for
comprehensive political education of members and also proposed joint
education withCOSATU - in the first instance - which could be later extended
across the Alliance as a whole.
Third - We need to interrogate how we behave towards other comrades. Where
we have differences - we deal with these through the tradition of open and
robust political debate. But when as a movement we take a decision - then we
work together - as one - to implement that decision or programme. This,
comrades - put simply - is the meaning of democratic centralism.
Fourth - As a priority we have to nurture, protect, strengthen and defend
the unity of our organisations and the broader Alliance. Let us never forget
that it was this mighty Alliance which brought down the Apartheid regime. It
remains the only vehicle capable of defending the gains of the National
Democratic Revolution and taking us forward into a second more radical phase
of transition.
Challenges facing the labour movement
The challenges facing labour are many and varied - and for this I will draw
upon the discussion paper: "Meeting the challenges facing the trade union
movement" (Published in the June 2015 edition of African Communist:
At a structural level - since the late 20th century - there has been a
massive onslaught by capital against labour - associated with capitalist
globalisation and neo-liberalism. The resulting restructuring of production
processes and labour markets has pushed back the gains of trade unions
through:
. Mass retrenchments;
. Casualisation;
. Informalisation; and
. Labour brokers.
Meanwhile monopoly capital - aided and abetted by the 1996 class project -
was able to maximise its profits and minimise its contribution to the
development of South Africa through a number of strategies:
. Massive disinvestment;
. Foreign stock exchange listings;
. Tax evasion; and
. Restructuring of production processes and labour markets. For example:
Between 2000 and 2013 the number of permanent jobs declined by 1.9 million
whilst the number of temporary jobs increased by 2.6 million;
Exploiting 'illegals' desperate work seekers displaced across national
borders by imperialist-driven structural adjustment programmes and wars.
Some of the other challenges faced by the labour movement include:
Growing bureaucratisation and distance from members - as unions became
larger and focused energy on the running of the organisation - rather than
the organisation of the members.
Careerism and abuse of positions for personal gain, also resulting in
personality cults - so that individuals become more important than the
organisation - and loyalty to particular leaders (or factions) replaced
loyalty to the organisation and the movement.
The greatest danger of all, currently, is the advent of what we have called
'business unionism'. Let me quote from the discussion paper in African
Communist:
The major unions all have nominal control over multi-billion rand retirement
funds. These, in turn, have been leveraged to set up union investment arms.
In principle, if subjected to democratic worker control and guided by clear
strategic objectives, these investment arms have the potential to be a
critical pillar of a solidarity economy - investing, for instance, in
desperately needed social wage assets like affordable public transport or
public housing. Sadly, in practice, they have often become entry-points
through which the capitalist class has inserted its DNA into the
head-offices of many unions. Much of the recent turmoil within Cosatu
affiliates is to be located in competing factions seeking to control these
resources.
Building a strong democratic worker-controlled union
As you begin this COSATU Special Congress, I have no doubt that you will be
addressing many of the themes I have raised:
The back to basics call - in relation to organisation - which COSATU has
made;
The optimal functioning of the Tripartite Alliance - which must include
developing an effective joint programme of action - including in between
elections.
On this, the Alliance Summit process is taking us forward. We said that
provincial Alliance Summits - working with the Alliance Political Council -
will debate and develop a concrete joint programme of action for the
Alliance. As COSATU you must use this opportunity to raise your challenges -
so that instead of in-fighting - we begin to focus on the real issues facing
the working class:
. The triple crisis of unemployment, poverty and inequality
. Corruption;
. Transformation of the economy; and
. The deepening of democracy and the NDR.
Engaging and building organic links with social movements and working class
communities - through branches, shop stewards councils and local organs of
people's power - so that we break out of the 1996 class project bureaucratic
top-down 'delivery' model of transformation;
Taking up the issues that affect working class communities, e.g.:
. Indebtedness;
. Crime and drugs;
. Transport, health, housing and social services;
Holding an ANC government to account - whilst driving a pro-working class
agenda and supporting progressive policies. That would include holding to
account those comrades sent by COSATU and the SACP to Parliament - and
reminding them why they are there.
A strong labour movement rooted in a powerful Alliance
Let me conclude by reminding ourselves that a strong labour movement -
historically - has gone hand-in-hand with a powerful and effective Alliance.
So the factionalist allegation that the ANC and SACP want a weak compliant
COSATU - and that the SACP is somehow responsible for the divisions in the
federation - nothing could be further from the truth. Look at the history,
comrades:
It was after liberal elements had purged communists from the ICU (Industrial
and Commercial Workers of Africa) - comrades of the calibre of Jimmy la
Guma, Johnny Gomas and EJ Khaile - that the once mighty ICU went into
terminal decline.
But the Party (the then CPSA) also learnt the lessons of the ICU - one of
its weaknesses was its 'general union' style of organisation as 'one big
union'. So when communist activists organised FNETU (Federation of
Non-European Trade Unions) in the late 1920s it was along lines of
'industrial unionism' - ie 'one industry, one union' - 60 years before
COSATU came up with the slogan in 1985.
The same organising principle was used in the formation of the mighty CNETU
(Council of Non-European Trade Unions) in the 1940s and SACTU (SouthAfrican
Congress of Trade Unions) in the 1950s. Ironically the same principle of
'industrial unionism' guided the 'workerist' tendency in the formation of
FOSATU (Federation of South African Trade Unions) in the 1970s.
So the NUMSA leadership were wrong to unilaterally ditch this historic
principle - whatever the merits of 'value chain unionism' - and we still
need to have that debate - but it must be a principled debate which seeks to
strengthen the trade union movement as a whole - not to seek selfish and
factional advantage.
In the face of anti-Party factional sentiments expressed, I need to assert
the historical truth, that at every stage of the development of progressive
trade unionism - whether legally or illegally from the underground -
communists have been in the forefront of organising and building progressive
trade unionism. Conversely, trade unionists have brought their actual
experience of class struggle to strengthen the leadership of the Party. From
Bill Andrews - elected to the leadership in 1921 - to our recently returned
comrades JB Marks and Moses Kotane - to Ray Alexander - to Moses Mabhida,
Billy Nair, Liz Abrahams - to the martyred Vuyisile Mini - too many to
mention.
That is the point I am trying to make - the labour movement, the SACP and
the ANC - historically - have always been strong when they are united - and
when the Alliance is effective.
That unity is the lesson - first enunciated in the 'Black Republic thesis'
put forward by the Party in the late 1920s - but which has had to be
constantly fought for and defended over 90 years of struggle.
That unity within COSATU - which always included different political
tendencies - served us well for 30 years. As the Left - united as COSATU and
the SACP working with comrades in the wider Alliance - this unity allowed us
to make the following gains:
. Entrench worker rights in labour legislation after 1994;
. Stop the privatisation agenda of the late 1990s, and
. Comprehensively contain the wider '1996 class project';
I would argue further that, at the level of government, in key areas of
economic policy we have seen significant shifts to the left in the last
Administration, which are in line with the long-held approach of COSATU, in
particular: the New Economic Growth Path, the development of a clear
industrial policy (IPAP) and the National Infrastructure Plan. I would argue
that this raft of policies and concrete plans amounts to a strategy for
sustainable and inclusive economic growth with massively positive
implications for job creation and poverty reduction.
The position that sees little difference between the ANC and the DA is
dangerous talk. In a situation where labour is divided - and weakened - the
ANC-led Alliance is a major impediment to the relentless pressure from
capital for a so-called 'flexible labour market.' There is only one
beneficiary of a divided labour movement - monopoly capital.
That unity of which I speak - of labour, and of the Alliance - remains the
only strategy and vehicle capable of taking us into the second more radical
phase of our transition to democracy - and giving concrete content to that,
comrades, is the real debate we need to have.
Thank you.
Issued by the SACP
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