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No secrets in a democracy


Steven Friedman, The Star, Johannesburg, 20 April 2017

The opposition's motion of no confidence in President Jacob Zuma will almost 
certainly not unseat him, but it has triggered important debates on the rights 
and duties of MPs. They may influence how democracy works long after the battle 
over Zuma is over.

First, it has revived the odd idea that public representatives should be 
allowed to vote in secret. The Constitutional Court will decide whether this is 
legal - what is clear is that it is not democratic.

Citizens are entitled to a secret vote because we do not represent anyone and 
so it is no one else's business how we vote. A secret vote ensures that people 
can use the polling booth to say what they want, free from pressure.

MPs are accountable to voters

But MPs are in Parliament because citizens voted for them. They are accountable 
to voters, who have a right to know what they do in their name. In some 
democracies, tracking how representatives vote is an important service to 
voters - it may decide how they vote.

A secret ballot in Parliament is a violation of citizens' right to know if 
public representatives are serving them. The constitution should not allow a 
president to be elected by secret ballot - the fact that it does should not be 
used to give MPs another opportunity to cheat on voters.

A more complicated issue was raised in an article by former president Thabo 
Mbeki, who argued that MPs should place their duty to citizens ahead of their 
loyalty to their parties.

While he said this applied to members of all parties, the implication was that 
if ANC members felt that the public wanted them to support a no-confidence 
vote, they should do this, whatever the ANC thinks.

Mbeki's view has been quoted enthusiastically by the secret-ballot lobby, but 
it strengthens the argument against secrecy: MPs cannot be accountable to the 
people unless the public knows how they are voting.

The people should govern

His point expresses a core democratic principle - that democracy is meant to be 
a system in which the people govern, not in which parties rule. The ideal 
democracy would be one in which all decisions were voted on directly by the 
people. Because that is not possible, citizens elect representatives. In 
principle, their duty is to express what voters want.

Precisely because we use party lists, support for a party does not necessarily 
mean backing for any particular representative, including its leader. Mbeki's 
critics say this does not apply if the constitution requires us to vote for 
parties, not people.

National and provincial representatives, they argue, owe their presence in 
Parliament to their party, so they must obey it if they want to remain a 
representative.

They are certain to be cheered on by party activists who complain, particularly 
when their party is in government, that its leaders ignore what party 
structures want. When he was president, Mbeki was often accused of not doing 
what the ANC wanted him to do.

But what parties want is not necessarily what the people who vote for them 
want. In any democracy, including our own, the people who join parties are a 
small fraction of those who vote for them.

What the party thinks may be totally at odds with what most people who vote for 
it want.

Few voters support a party because they agree with everything it says in an 
election campaign - most back the party to which they feel closest, even if 
they disagree with it on some issues. "

Many decisions taken by parties react to events that were not expected during 
the election, and so voting for the party does not signal agreement.

MPs can buck the line - but not secretly

Given this, people who voted for a party may disagree with any particular 
decision it takes: MPs who buck the party line may be more in touch with their 
party's supporters than those who lay down that line.

If this applies to policies, it applies even more to a no-confidence vote. 
Leaders' faces may appear on ballot papers, but the vote endorses the party, 
not the leader. Attitudes to a president or minister also often change once 
they are in office. So, there is no way a party's decision that a leader should 
stay should be assumed to be what its voters want. If MPs believe it is not 
what they want, their duty is to support a no confidence vote.

In this case, all of this is probably academic: unless a plot is being hatched 
somewhere, ANC MPs will not support the no-confidence vote. But a democracy 
that recognises that MPs have no right to vote in secret and have a duty to do 
what they think voters want, even if that is not what their parties want, is in 
far better shape than one that ignores these principles.

*    Steven Friedman is research professor with the humanities faculty of the 
University of Johannesburg.









































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