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Dari: mediacare <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Kepada: mediacare <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; [EMAIL PROTECTED]; zamanku
Terkirim: Selasa, 16 September, 2008 15:32:09
Topik: [zamanku] Ulil tentang McCain-Palin
Jika McCain-Palin terpilih, ini isyarat yang kurang baik bagi dunia di luar
Amerika. Semboyan Partai Republik sekarang ini, "Country First", terus terang
kurang terasa simpatik di mata saya. Semboyan itu seolah-olah mengisyaratkan
bahwa Amerika tak peduli pada dunia luar, dan kebijakan luar negeri yang
unilateralistik akan diteruskan oleh McCain.
Pemerintah Amerika sudah
semestinya tahu bahwa negeri itu sudah menjadi semacam "empayar", istilah orang
Malaysia untuk "empire". Amerika tidak bisa lagi memikirkan negerinya sendiri
seperti tercermin dalam semboyan McCain itu. Tindakan dan kebijakan luar negeri
pemerintah Amerika memiliki dampak internasional yang besar sekali.
setuju dengan pandangan Fareed Zakaria di bawah ini, dan saya juga setuju
cara pandang Obama yang lebih "rendah hati" dan "realistis" dalam melihat
situasi keamanan di dunia saat ini.
Selamat menikmati kolom Zakaria di
The World Isn’t So Dark
WWII, America has tended to make its strategic missteps by exaggerating
Updated: 2:18 PM ET
Sep 13, 2008
On the campaign trail, the debate over foreign policy
has been muted of
late. That might be because more-important topics like
hockey moms have taken center stage. But the contrasts between
presidential candidates also seem to have softened. Their
over Iraq policy have shrunk as the place has stabilized somewhat
the Iraqi government looks for a timetable for a U.S. withdrawal.
candidates oppose Iran's nuclear ambitions and Russia's incursion
Georgia. Both support a vigorous fight against the Taliban
Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Yet there's clearly a fundamental
difference in the way the two candidates see the world. The
split might best
be captured by asking a simple question: what kind of
a world do we live in?
Neither candidate has been asked this, and I
doubt either would answer as
frankly as I am suggesting, but here's my
guess—drawn from their writings and
speeches—about what each might say.
We live in a very dangerous world,
John McCain would respond. In his eyes,
Islamic extremism is the transcendent
challenge of the age. Jihadist
warriors—funded and supported by states that
adhere to their views—pose
the central threat to the United States. In the
rise of China, Russia
and India, McCain sees turbulence. Russia and China,
represent a special danger. Moscow's attack on Georgia
was, for McCain,
the "first serious crisis since the end of the cold war."
The role for
America, in such an environment, is to aggressively use its
power—to fight evil, spread freedom and defeat the enemy.
will lose the struggle for the 21st century.
sense of the world is more optimistic. The dangers are real but not
all-encompassing. Obama speaks less of Islamic extremism in general
more of Al Qaeda and its affiliated groups specifically. He points
that compared with the cold war—when thousands of Soviet
missiles were pointed at American cities—the threats we face today
reduced. He argues that most people in the Islamic world
development and a better life, not jihad. America's promise
alive even in these countries.
America's role, for Obama, is
to restore its military strength, fight Al Qaeda and its ilk,
and deter rogue
regimes like Iran. But it is also to stay calm, because
in overreacting to
dangers, we often cause new problems and crises. To
lump together all
Islamist groups is to exaggerate and misunderstand
the threat. The Iraq War,
for Obama, is a prime example of an alarmist
overreaction, one that had the
United States launch an unprovoked
invasion of a country and rack up huge
costs. If America can keep its
cool and provide the help that countries
really seek—in development,
modernization and democracy-building— then we will
gain in both security
There is some truth to both
visions of the world, but in my view the reality is much closer to Obama's—more
so than most American politicians seem willing to admit. We live
remarkably peaceful times. A University of Maryland study shows
deaths from wars of all kinds have been dropping dramatically for
years and are lower now than at any point in the last half century.
study from Simon Fraser University finds that casualties from
have been steadily declining since 9/11. It is increasingly
at their voting from Indonesia to Iraq to Pakistan—that very
Muslims anywhere support Islamic fundamentalists. More countries
ever before now embrace capitalism and democracy.
It's also worth
noting that ever since World War II, the United States has
tended to make its
strategic missteps by exaggerating dangers. During
the 1950s, conservatives
argued that Dwight Eisenhower was guilty of
appeasement because he was
willing to contain rather than roll back
communism. The paranoia about
communism helped fuel McCarthyism at home
and support for dubious regimes
abroad. John Kennedy chose to outflank
Nixon on the right by arguing that
there was a dangerous missile gap
between the Soviets and the United States
(when in fact the United
States had almost 20,000 missiles and the Soviets
had fewer than
2,000). The 1970s witnessed a frenzied argument that the
was surpassing the United States militarily and was about
"Finlandize" Europe. The reality, of course, was that
neoconservatives were arguing that the U.S.S.R. was about to
the world, it was on the verge of total collapse.
Since end of
the cold war, similar alarms have been sounded several times. In
the Cox Commission argued that China was building a military
to rival ours,
citing numbers that soon proved to be bogus. Then
there's Saddam Hussein, who
was described as a powerful and imminent
threat to the United States. In
fact, the greatest problem that we have
faced in Iraq is its weakness, its
utter dysfunction as a state and a
nation. Rhetoric about transcendent
threats and mortal dangers grips
the imagination of the American people. But
it also twists U.S. foreign
policy in ways that can prove to be extremely
costly to the country and
URL: http://www.newsweek .com/id/158764
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