Tribalism
by Ashok Malik

http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnist1.asp?main_variable=Columnist&file_name=ashok%2Fashok133%2Etxt&writer=ashok

 *The Gujjars want to be declared a Scheduled Tribe. How, if at all, can
this be done? And what does the Constitution and what do past precedents
from Rajasthan say? Ashok Malik and Kumar Uttam find the answers*

 They're squatting on train tracks, disrupting traffic and commerce and, by
collecting in the heat of the Rajasthan summer, creating a potential health
and hygiene crisis for themselves. Yet, the Gujjars are not giving up. While
the community leadership has finally agreed to talk to the Rajasthan
Government, it is adamant that its basic demand must be met -- Gujjars must
be recognised as a Scheduled Tribe (ST).

 Gujjars, of course, are recognised as one of the Other Backward Classes/
Castes (OBCs) in Rajasthan. Yet, ever since the numerically larger and
socially better-off Jats were also given OBC status in the State a few years
ago, the Gujjars felt they were being squeezed out. As such, they sought
strategic "demotion" to ST status.

 This posed two challenges to the Vasundhara Raje Government. First, the
Meenas, currently the dominant ST community, certainly did not welcome the
idea of more competition for jobs and education seats reserved for STs.
Second, the Constitution provides for a well-defined route to identify STs.
To bypass that method is impossible. To accept the Gujjars as STs in the
face of set benchmarks would be not just illegal, but could open a Pandora's
Box.

 So what can Vasundhara and her Government do? Can the Centre entirely wash
its hands of the business?

 *In the beginning*

 *T*o understand the dimensions of the current political stand-off, it is
necessary to delve into history. Article 342 of the Constitution empowers
the President of India, in consultation with the Governor of the given
State, to designate certain tribes or tribal communities (or identifiable
groups within these communities) as ST.

 Following this procedure, the list of STs for Rajasthan was notified by the
Government of India in September 1976. Twelve groups were included -- Bhil,
Bhil Meena, Damor, Dhanka, Garasia, Kathodi, Kokna, Koli Dhor, Meena,
Naikda, Patelia and Seharia. No amendments have been made to Rajasthan's ST
list in the past 30 years, since the 1976 notification.

 Rajasthan provides for 12 per cent reservations for STs. On their part,
Scheduled Castes (SCs) have a 16 per cent quota. After the recommendations
of the Mandal Commission were put into effect, in the mid-1990s, 21 per cent
was earmarked for OBCs.

 Other numbers are more telling. While there are 12 communities recognised
as STs, 59 castes are deemed SCs and 82 castes/ communities make up the OBC
category.

 What does this imply? While population figures for each caste/ community
vary extraordinarily, the fact is there is more competition among the OBCs
-- about four castes/ communities per one per cent quota -- than among the
STs -- one tribe/ tribal community per one per cent quota.

 As such, if the Gujjars succeed in getting themselves redefined as STs,
other OBCs or even SCs are likely to take their cue and demand to be called
STs as well. This would make a mockery of how STs are meant to be
identified.

 *The tribal template*

 *T*o be successfully considered for ST status, a tribal community has to
conform to five sets of characteristics. It has to:



 Provide indications of primitive/ aboriginal traits in its lifestyle

 Have a distinctive culture

 Live in relative geographical isolation

 Be diffident or shy in contact with the larger community/ society

 Be "backward" -- or unprivileged in terms of educational, socio-economic or
human indices

 What happens if a State Government wants to amend its list of STs? For
instance, what is the method the Rajasthan Government must adopt if it wants
to declare a 13th community as worthy of ST status?

 Any such proposal must be mooted by the State Government. Next, it must be
recommended by the Registrar General of India. The Registrar General also
doubles as the Census Commissioner of India. His office is responsible for
population enumeration and is the national repository of demographic data.
At the third stage, the proposal has to be approved by the National
Commission for Scheduled Tribes.

 Now the proposal moves into the ambit of the Central Government proper. It
is sent for inter-ministerial consultation and discussed by the Union
Cabinet. Once the Cabinet approves it, it goes to Parliament in the form of
a Bill. After the Bill is passed by both Houses of Parliament, the necessary
notification takes place -- and a new community is accorded ST status in the
given State.

 Mindful of the delicate nature of traditional tribal societies, the process
of amending or changing a State's ST list gives the local administration
comparatively little autonomy. It is easier, for instance, to include new
communities in the OBC list, as many Governments have done in many States,
usually in response to election-time demands.

 Understandably then, lobbying for OBC status in a particular State has
traditionally been a State-level issue. Lobbying for ST status in a
particular State has, however, seen a fair amount of lobbying in New Delhi
as well, as the concurrence of the Union Government is necessary.

 *Meanwhile, in Rajasthan*

 *O*ver the years, a number of communities in Rajasthan petitioned the
Centre, asking for inclusion in the State ST list. This was recognition of
the Union Government's role in the process. It was also politically astute
since the same party, the Congress, ruled in New Delhi and in Jaipur for
over three decades after Independence.

 In 1981, Indira Gandhi was the Prime Minister and Shiv Charan Mathur was
the Congress Chief Minister in Rajasthan. The Government of India forwarded
a list of communities to the State Government. At various points, these
communities -- Banjaras, Gujjars, Lohars, Rabaris, Raikas and a few others
-- had requested inclusion in the ST list.

 The Rajasthan Government's Social Welfare Department studied the
representations. It recommended that Banjaras and Gadia Lohars be included
in the ST list, but was categorical that Gujjars did not qualify: "These
people are basically milk sellers and keep cattle. They are financially
well-off and suffer from no shyness of contact with people of other castes.
They also do not have any primitive traits."

 Consequently, the Mathur Government recommended that Banjaras and Gadia
Lohars be deemed STs. A formal letter was sent to the Centre. It was,
however, ignored. The Centre kept the request pending.

 It was only in October 1999, just after the BJP-led NDA Government was
re-elected, that the Centre got back. It told the Rajasthan Government that
the Registrar General of India had studied the 1981 recommendation but said
that the Banjaras were economically and socially too advanced to qualify for
ST status. On the Gadia Lohars, the letter was silent.

 It is obvious that if the Rajasthan Government surrenders to the Gujjars
and recommends them for ST status, it will have a Banjara and Gadia Lohar
revolt on its hands. As they see it, they have been kept hanging for 27
years.

 *The Gujjar unrest*

 *I*n December 1999, the Centre sent another letter to the Rajasthan
Government, forwarding names of more castes/ communities that had sought
inclusion in the State's SC and ST lists. In March 2000, the State
Government wrote to its District Collectors asking them to get back with
factual and qualitative information on the status of the concerned
communities in their districts. The Gujjars were among these communities.

 The reports from the District Collectors were slow to arrive. In 2005, the
Gujjars began resorting to demonstrations. The State Government set up a
sub-committee under its Home Minister and urgently sought the reports from
the District Collectors. On May 27, 2007, the sub-committee met to consider
the district reports. It was found that feedback from 26 districts was in
order but six District Collectors had not furnished complete reports.

 On May 28, 2007, these six District Collectors were told to fill the gaps
urgently. It was too late; the next day Gujjar mobs went on the rampage,
killing two policemen. Twenty-three civilians also died in the violence --
and the story continues.

 *Vasundhara's options*

 *W*ith elections due in December, how Vasundhara Raje tackles the Gujjar
rebellion could well decide her future. Legal opinion -- including from the
Justice Jasraj Chopra Committee that was set up in June 2007 -- has more or
less made it clear that the Gujjar demand for ST status is not lawfully or
sociologically tenable.

 Politically too, Vasundhara and the BJP are hoping to consolidate the
Meenas, the ST community that will be most affected if the Gujjars are
allowed to eat into their quota. For the Congress, the Meenas have been an
important constituency -- though some of them migrated to the BJP in 2003 --
and that is why that party too is wary of openly siding with the Gujjars.

 The Meenas constitute 15 per cent of Rajasthan, while the Gujjars are only
five per cent of the population. Led by the late Rajesh Pilot, the Gujjars
had come under the Congress umbrella. Now, Sachin Pilot has inherited his
father's mantle.

 Yet, the Pilots have been recipients of Meena votes as well, and the
Congress is as worried by the prospect of caste polarisation as the BJP.
Interestingly, Pilot's constituency -- Dausa, just off the Delhi-Jaipur
highway -- has just been reserved for STs. As such, Sachin Pilot will have
to find himself a new seat for the 2009 Lok Sabha election, unless the
Gujjars, by some miracle, are classified as STs!

 Against this backdrop, with the Gujjars missing robust political support,
Vasundhara can perhaps buy time by promising to consider the Gujjar demand
in the light of the Centre's letter of December 1999, and after perusing the
consolidated reports of all 32 District Collectors who have studied
representations for inclusion in SC and ST lists.

 This will give the Gujjar leadership an honourable exit route and postpone
the problem. It is, of course, possible that the Gujjars will reject the
option and insist on ST status here and now. Should that happen, Rajasthan
is set for a hot, volatile rest of 2008.

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