*Date:17/04/2010* *URL:
http://www.thehindu.com/2010/04/17/stories/2010041754931200.htm*
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*How to feed your billionaires *

P. Sainath

   *Freebies for the IPL — at a time of savage food subsidy cuts for the
poor — benefit four men who make the Forbes Billionaire List of 2010 and a
few other, mere multi-millionaires. *

  And so the IPL fracas is now heading for its own Champions League. Union
Cabinet Ministers, Union Ministers of State, Chief Ministers (and who knows
a Governor or two might pop up yet) are being named as people trying to
influence the bidding process. Both houses of Parliament are in uproar. The
taxmen have launched a “survey.” Many in the media and politics are happy to
reduce it all to issues of propriety or personality. For, the BCCI-IPL is
one platform where the Congress and the BJP cohabit, normally with ease. Big
money is, after all, a secular, bi-partisan space. (Or tri-partisan: let's
not deny the central contribution of the NCP to this phenomenon.) It's also
interesting that the media, though now compelled to give the IPL's
underbelly some coverage, are still reluctant to ask larger, harder
questions. To go beyond their Modi-Tharoor feeding frenzy. And to avoid
induced amnesia.

It was just 10 years ago that cricket was rocked by the game's biggest-ever
match-fixing scandal. That too had its centre of gravity in Indian cities,
and involved Indian bookies and Indian businessmen. But along comes a new
hyper-commercialised version of the game. It has scandal-waiting-to-happen
written all over it and the media say “wow! This looks great,” promptly
going into the “willing suspension of disbelief” mode. This venture had the
right names, high glamour and, above all, big advertising and corporate
power. There were obvious conflicts of interest (apart from what it did to
cricket, the game) from day one. Here was Big Business in open embrace with
its political patrons. There were also those who did not give the public
office they held a fraction of the time or importance they gave to the
BCCI-IPL. But few serious questions came up in the media.

Now there's a forced discussion of opaque dealings, bribes, and
“we-know-how-to-deal-with-you” threats. Of shady investors, murky dealings
and, possibly, large-scale tax evasion. Of franchisees alleging they were
offered a $50 million bribe to exit. Or claiming that a Union Minister
warned them to withdraw from the rodeo with grave threats. It all leads to
things much bigger than Modi versus Tharoor or issues of “impropriety” (a
nice, genteel word). Leave aside the narrow money details or the fact that
some franchisees are thought to be losing tens of crores each year. Skip the
fact that despite those losses, newer franchisees between them put up over
Rs.3,000 crore for two teams that don't exist. Only a tiny band of
journalists have at all shown the scepticism demanded of their profession.
These few have stuck at it gamely only to find themselves isolated, mocked
as party-poopers and the recipients of threats and abusive mail.

How about questions on public subsidies going to some of the richest people
in the world? The BCCI-IPL cost the public crores of rupees each year in
several ways. The waiving of entertainment tax worth Rs 10 crore -12 crore
for the IPL in Maharashtra alone was discussed in the State's Assembly. It
was little reported and less discussed in the media. Maharashtra has
extended other support to the IPL, which is yet to be quantified. This,
despite being a State whose debt will cross Rs. 200,000 crore in the coming
year. And there are similar subsidies and write-offs extended to the
BCCI-IPL in other States, other venues.

A whole raft of concealed freebies from public resources to the BCCI-IPL is
also not discussed. We have no picture of their full scope. No questions
either on why a public sector company should be billing itself as the
“sponsor” of a team owned by the fourth richest man in the planet. No
questions asked about issues ranging from super-cheap land leases and stadia
rentals and low-cost stadia security. We don't even know what the total bill
to the public is: just that it is probably in tens of crores. We do know
that these supports to the IPL from public money come at a time when
subsidies to the poor are being savaged. But we don't want to go down that
road. An inquiry into the IPL must cover the BCCI as well and must record
all the open and hidden write-offs and subsidies that both get.

Who stand to gain from the public wet-nursing of the IPL? Among others, four
gentlemen who make the Forbes Billionaires List of 2010. Three of them are
team owners and one is a title sponsor. All dollar billionaires and
long-time residents on the Forbes List. Then there are the mere millionaires
in the shape of Bollywood stars. For all these and other worthy people,
governments bend over backwards to make concessions. Even as they slash food
subsidies in a period of rising hunger. Big time partying is an integral
part of the IPL show. Only look who is paying for that. Street argot has
already begun to brand the IPL as Indian Paisa League or, more directly,
India Paisa Loot.

But the BCCI and the IPL preside over huge sums in advertising. So even when
the IPL angers the media by pushing them around on coverage restrictions,
the media cave in. The larger silence continues. The strongest criticism of
what has been going on (till the Kochi chaos) has come from Sports Minister
M.S. Gill, an old-fashioned cricket lover actually worried about the game.
Not from the media that cover the IPL. He has criticised the tax concessions
and security subsidies that have hurt public security in the cities
concerned while the IPL is on. It's also worth pointing out that Mr. Gill is
the one Minister (of the four Ministers on your TV screens in the present
drama) actually connected with sports in a legitimate way — and not tainted
by scandal. But maybe that's natural: the IPL has little to do with sports.

The Sports Minister pointed out a long time ago that there were dangerous
conflicts of interests at the top levels of the BCCI-IPL. He also told Karan
Thapar on television that he found the idea of “letting off tax” (waivers
for IPL) quite unacceptable. “This is a poor country. I never forget that.
There is a huge deficit in the budget even this year ...” And went on to say
that: “when business is earning it in the shape of these teams and whatever
the structure, I think the legitimate tax should be taken and should be used
for the country maybe even for sports, other sports.” Far from that
happening, we are taking it from the public and handing it out to the
billionaires.

Fire brigades in the cities have been muted or overruled in their objections
to the IPL's ‘hospitality boxes' (where seats can cost you Rs. 40,000) as
fire hazards. But some of these tickets also get you to a late night party
with IPL stars and other dubious benefits. Some have raised the question of
what this does to the players' performance the next day. But the party goes
on. Nothing could be further removed from the lives of the ‘cricket crazy
public' — whose supposed interests are invoked for every new spin to the
game. IPL does not come cheap.

Mumbai's elite recently preened themselves on Earth Hour where the city
saved some power by switching off lights for 60 minutes. Great savings could
be made if all IPL games were played in daylight. There is something ugly
about that much electricity consumed by a private profit entity (guzzling
public money) in a season when Marathwada and Vidarbha suffer 12-15 hour
power cuts. Something that always devastates the performance of their poorer
children in the examinations. They could end up having (on paper at least) a
Right to Education, but none to electricity.

With the IPL comes the convergence of the most important media trends: the
ABC of Media — Advertising, Bollywood and Corporate Power. Corporate barons
and Bollywood stars own cricket teams. One IPL team is owned by a newspaper.
Other dailies have become ‘media partners' of IPL teams. Some Bollywood
stars have ‘promotional agreements' for their films with TV channels who
disguise their paid-for gushing over those films as “news.” Once national
heroes, cricket's top icons are now ‘capital assets' of the franchise
owners. Once proud of their disavowal of tobacco and liquor advertising, the
icons now plug for the latter in surrogate form. And are linked to the
former in other ways. And a once great game moves from heartfelt public
ownership to a pocket-driven private one; from a national passion to a
hyper-commercial nightmare.

   **

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