http://www.centralchronicle.com/20061116/1611303.htm
Watch Tower: Khairlanji: How the other half dies? It is now history how the rage of the dalit masses over these killings helped bring the whole issue to the centrestage of the state politics more than a month after the actual incident- Subhash Gatade Mass killings of dalits or gangrapes of dalit women in full public view were considered things of a bygone era in the 'progressive' state of Maharashtra. People would rather point towards other states especially in the North, to tell that such type of things do not happen here. More articulate people would point towards recently released report(s) which give Maharashtra 10th rank in matters of dalit atrocities. But Khairlanji has changed it forever. Surekha Bhootmange, aged 45 years, mother of two sons -Roshan and Sudhir - and a bright daughter Priyanka, who yearned to join the military, had to pay a very dear price for standing up to the local upper castes attempts at snatching her small piece of land. Who would have imagined that the village Khairlanji where Surekha had been married to Bhaiyyalal for more than 25 years would one day metamorphose into her own tomb? Today her saga of struggle is part of the local folklore. The Bhhotmanges were part of mere two dalit (Mahar) families among a majority of 150 families comprising of Powars and Kalars - which come under OBCs- in Khairlanji, a non-descript village in Bhandara district of Maharashtra. It was the evening of 29th September when Surekha was cooking food that their house came under attack by scores of people from her own village. And leading the horde of attackers were those very people who were implicated in an attack on Surekha's cousin brother Siddharth. In fact Surekha and Priyanka were the sole witnesses to this attack and had promptly put their name as witnesses. The mother and daughter were subjected to repeated gangrapes in full public view, their marauders did not leave their bodies even when they had already breathed their last. None of those people from her own village, with whom she had shared a long relationship came to their rescue. They were mere onlookers. Bhaiyyalal, Surekha's husband escaped the macabre dance of death only because he was not at home then. The barbaric killings were followed by a systematic coverup operation with due connivance of the local police and administration. Village level Panchayat was held immediately after the gory incident and it was 'decreed' that nobody would utter a word about it. The police officials also 'complied' with the request and cases under some vague sections of Indian Penal Code were filed where bail would have been easier. It is also alleged that the local MLA who belongs to the BJP was also instrumental in instigating the perpetrators and then helping them hush up the case. It is not surprising that the BJP-Shiv Sena leadership which is ever ready to put the ruling coalition on the mat has maintained complete silence over the incident. The Nitin Gadkaris or the Mundes or the Thakres have not even condemned the barbaric killings of the dalits. In fact to defuse and deviate people's attention from the spontaneous and militant assertion of the dalits, the Bhandara district units of the Shiv Sena and Bajrang Dal have joined hands to raise a counter agitation to protest rape of an upper caste woman by a dalit man. The deputy Chief Minister who also manages home portfolio made a routine visit to the site of killings and expressed satisfaction over the direction of investigation. Later when the militant movement of dalits compelled him to wake up from deep slumber, he instead of taking urgent step to defuse the movement preferred to make some irresponsible statements. Instead of addressing the roots of the dalit anger, he 'discovered' that their anger was a pointer towards growing naxal-dalit affinity. While the state government and its machinery merely tried to put the issue below carpet and the opposition saffron Parivar maintained a studied silence to suit its own interests, the response of the leadership of the mainstream dalit movement was not qualitatively different. Neither those factions of the Dalit formations which are participating in the state government nor those which have remained outside decided to raise the pitch over the incident. The conspiracy of silence on part of the dalit leadership was so blatant that when lakhs of people converged (2nd October) in Nagpur to celebrate golden jubilee year of historic conversion of Dalits to Buddhism, none of them deemed it necessary to highlight the Khairlanji killings. Even according to conservative estimates 15-20 lakh people visited Deekshbhoomi during those celebrations which continued for a fortnight. It is now history how the rage of the dalit masses over these killings helped bring the whole issue to the centrestage of the state politics more than a month after the actual incident and compelled the government to go in for some damage control exercise. It is now history how Khairlanji has brought into sharp focus the growing disjunction between the dalit leadership and ordinary dalit masses. According to close watchers of the state, Khairlanji rather represents a climax of a situation in a state which despite its 'progressive' image has systematically ingrained denial of justice to dalits and the other marginalised sections of our society. May it be the ongoing social boycott of Dalits in Aarajkheda village, Renapur tehsil in Latur district which happens to be Chief Minister's home district or the similar boycott of dalits in village Yavati in Nanded district, the state has never tried to shed its partisan image vis-a-vis attacks on dalits. Looking back the 'unique'ness of the Khairlanji killings are evident to everyone. Firstly, it has happened in a state which is said to be the pioneer of the dalit movement in the country and which has till date a very vibrant dalit movement. Secondly, it is a stark reminder of the fact that all those acts framed to supposedly to protect the dalits and tribals are observed in breach only. Thirdly, it also demonstrates the growing bankruptcy of the mainstream dalit movement which failed to even raise a voice protesting the event. Last but not the least, if it would not have been the pressure from the grassroots and the churning among the dalit masses, the issue was largely forgotten. Nobody can deny that here lies the hope. Perhaps it would be more apt to say that Khairlanji also represents birth of a 'new' dalit movement which is once again refusing to play a 'guest actor' role in the polity and is equally fed up with the cravenness of the Dalit leaders.
