http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article127.html

Mainstream, Vol XLV No 22

Behind Mayawati's Spectacular Success
Editorial

Saturday 19 May 2007



The UP Assembly elections have indeed produced amazing results that
have surprised most observers barring of course the real victor,
Mayawati. However, it needs to be pointed out that one Dalit political
leader of a Left party had forecast such a resounding, comprehensive
and phenomenal victory for Mayawati's BSP based on his interactions
with officials capable of feeling the pulse of the people at large
unlike the mediapersons and pollsters whose predictions and 'surveys'
(of not only a 'hung Assembly' but also of the BJP's revival) have
gone completely awry. It must also be recalled that when Kanshi Ram
founded the BSP in the mid-eighties he received generous support and
unstinted assistance from Dalit administrators in different layers of
the bureaucracy eagerly waiting for such an organisation that emerged
out of the erstwhile DS-4.

Of course, the BSP of today is not the same as the BSP of
yester-years, a point conceded by no less a person than Mayawati
herself when she speaks of the bahujan samaj's graduation into the
sarvajan samaj. Her meticulous and painstaking effort at effecting
socialengineering—by drawing the upper castes as also lower OBCs to
the BSP—has definitely paid rich dividends as reflected in her
astounding success—a haul of 208 seats (a gain of 111 seats from what
she won in 2002) in a 403-strong Assembly—in the process routing
Mulayam Singh Yadav's Samajwadi Party (97 seats: a loss of 50 seats),
decimating the BJP (50 seats: a loss of 47 seats) and trouncing the
Congress (21 seats; short of four seats from its strength after the
2002 polls). The emergence of her rainbow alliance is undoubtedly a
matter of historic importance in the Indian political setting. And it
is this phenomenon which has literally ravaged the calculations of the
BJP—the latter having lost the very base on which it had built the
party in the State. Mayawati clearly understood the mood of the
electorate: the people wanted a genuine change—an end to Mulayam's
misrule. That is why they voted for the most uncompromising opponent
of Mulayam, the BSP of Mayawati, knowing full well that she or her
party would under no circumstance strike any post-poll deal with the
Samajwadi Party. The Congress too fell in that category, given the
tone and tenor of the Sonia-Rajiv campaign; yet the voter knew the
dismal state of the Congress organisation, which is why she/he was
convinced that voting for the Congress was pointless—it won't be able
to form a government and by supporting it there was every possibility
of spoling the BSP's chances. As for the BJP, the perceptive sections
of the electorate did not fail to grasp the party's proclivity to
strike a deal with the SP whenever the occasion arises—after all,
didn't Mulayam come to the aid of the BJP (following the 'secret'
Mulayam-Advani-George Fernandes meeting) by firmly opposing and
thereby scuttling Sonia Gandhi's moves to form a government after the
collapse of the Vajpayee Ministry in 1999? Thus it was untrustworthy
in their perception. That was precisely why the upper castes joined
the Dalits in voting for Mayawati thereby denuding the BJP of its
strength and vitality. The Muslims too voted for Mayawati as the final
tally testified. At the same time the SP, though routed, was not as
humiliated as the BJP, because the Yadav votes along with those of a
fairly large number of Muslims did go to it; or else it could not have
been able to secure as many as 97 seats. Those sections in the Left
which went along with Mulayam in the name of secularism have doubtless
suffered. Now they are expressing jubilation at the fall of the BJP.
The BJP's collapse was not due to the public opposition to its
communal ideology for that was not an issue in these elections; its
collapse was because of its underhand association with Mulayam,
something Mayawati astutely exploited to her advantage. The Jan
Morcha, V.P. Singh and CPI had exhorted the Congress to join hands
with them as well as the RLD of Ajit Singh in the interest of secular
democratic unity. But the Congress wanted to go alone. Without any
organisation it has been forced to bite the dust despite all the
exertions of young Rajiv. However, it still thinks it will be able to
regain its lost glory in the State by remaining aloof and "building
its organisation". This is utterly fallacious. Only by joining hands
with like-minded forces would it be able to redeem itself and to do so
it would have to return to the Gandhi-Nehru paradigm of welfare state
it has voluntarily chosen to abandon in the wake of globalisation. As
for the BSP and BJP a perceptive political analyst has aptly observed
the following.

Mayawati's victory in UP is the beginning of the end for the politics
that the BJP has practised over the last two decades. In turn,
Mayawati has found a way of factoring in the non-sectarian aspirations
of the Hindus, while uniting various caste groups and religious
communities under a benign Dalit Bahujan rubric. In that sense, the
triumph of the BSP is also part of the complex that B.R. Ambedkar
delineated as part of the meaning of democracy. He argued that as long
as the "governing class retains its power to govern, it is wrong to
believe that democracy and self-government have become realities…
self-government and democracy become real not when a Constitution
based on adult suffrage comes into existence but when the governing
class loses its power to capture the power to govern". Mayawati'sgloss
on Ambedkar is the natural inversion that this democratic process has
brought about, almost quietly and unobtrusively. In a sociological
sense, it would be right to speak of it in terms of an inverted
pyramid, but politically the governed of yesterday have captured power
without incurring the resentment of those who governed for all these
years.

It would take enormous political acumen, statesmanship and tact on the
part of Mayawati to make this work. But there is little doubt that
this marks a paradigm shift in the nature of Indian politics as a
whole. The significance of this for the BJP can hardly be underesti
mated. The RSS and the BJP are deeply entrenched in a version of
Hinduism and Hindutva that feeds on the smugness of manuvaad and a
faux religiosity. Their fate seems beyond hope and redemption.
(Jyotirmaya Sharma in Hindustan Times) One cannot possibly be blind to
this reality in the current scenario. Undoubtedly UP today under Dalit
leadership presents a new spectacle. The fact that the upper castes
have unhesitatingly accepted this leadership is all the more
noteworthy. This has enormous potentiality and can offer a new path of
socio-political-economic advance for the country as a whole provided
Mayawati is able to strike a departure from past practice by
displaying mature statesmanship. This should not be a tall order for
the present leader of the sarvajan samaj in the changed political
landscape of UP and beyond.

May 17 S.C.


--
Subscribe to ZESTCaste by sending a BLANK email to [EMAIL PROTECTED] OR, if you 
have a Yahoo! ID, by visiting http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join 
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/

<*> Your email settings:
    Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTCaste/join
    (Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
    mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] 
    mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    [EMAIL PROTECTED]

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/
 

Reply via email to