http://archive.insightyv.com/?p=187
Contextualizing Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Conversion Harish S. Wankhede The modernist project of Dr. Ambedkar not only envisioned a constitutional state based on universal values of social justice, liberty and equality, but also conversion to Buddhism. On the occasion of Vijayadashmi (14th October, 1956), Babasaheb Ambedkar took refuge to Buddhism and heralded a new era of revolutionary socio-religious changes in India. Every year, a large number of Neo-Buddhists, on the day of Vijayadashmi, come together at Dikshabhoomi, Nagpur to pay tributes to Babasaheb. This has become an important occasion for the Neo-Buddhists, especially in Maharashtra, to demonstrate their cultural capital and social strength as a community. Before Babasaheb’s conversion, the question of caste was understood as an ‘internal affair’ of hinduism and its solution was imagined to be largely restricted within the boundaries of hindu social reforms ala Gandhi. Against such an imagination, Dr. Ambedkar took a radical stance by proposing two varied alternatives for social transformation. As a modern liberal thinker, Dr. Ambedkar proposed a constitutional state based on the universal values of social justice, liberty and equality. The second was of conversion to Buddhism which was his modernist project to redefine the character ofIndia as a secular nation-state. However, many took his call for conversion with skepticism, as they were not aware of the necessity of a new religion for the Dalits in a modern nation-state. Dr. Ambedkar had witnessed the strategic instrumentality of religion in politics and its evil results on two occasions - the creation of Pakistan, followed by large-scale communal violence, and secondly, the coldblooded murder of Mahatma Gandhi by a hindu brahmin fanatic. Also, the hindu religion as a social doctrine was against the modern ethos of individual liberty and dignity because of its degraded brahmanical caste system. Dalits and women, who comprise more than half the population of the country, are two categories which have been its major victims. It was really difficult for a modern state to establish secular and democratic social order in such a caste-based and communal social and political atmosphere. Through Buddhism, Dr. Ambedkar proposed an alternative which was indigenously rooted and had the potential to support the modern liberal ethos of the new nation-state. He argued that Buddhism is not a religion but a social philosophy, which encompasses radical challenges to the social system based on caste hierarchies. Dr. Ambedkar hoped that conversion to Buddhism, at the first stage, would de-caste the Dalits from their primordial caste identities and in the progressive run to ‘establish the kingdom of righteousness for the prosperity of the whole world’, would counter the orthodox religiosity of hinduism. In the battle between the scientific temperament of Buddhism and the irrational doctrine of brahmanism, the destruction of hinduism would be inevitable. Dr. Ambedkar was convinced that Buddhism possesses a moral doctrine that could be employed as a strategy to achieve certain progressive objectives in the modern society. The Neo-Buddhists in Maharashtra, true to the spirit of Buddhism, has achieved significant changes in their social, cultural and most importantly in their psychological behaviour. They are one of the most educated, economically well-off and politically conscious social groups compared to the hindu-Dalit castes in Maharashtra. They have developed a vibrant social and cultural environment through their literary works, theater groups, religious conclaves and alternative traditions and customs. Maharashtra’s Neo-Buddhists’ alternative traditions, in a true sense, represent the spirit and aspirations of India’s Dalits, who want to break free from the clutches of degraded social and cultural values. The contemporary Dalit politics employs caste only as an identity to fight against the authoritative brahminical hegemony. It has forgotten the legacy and suitability of the Buddhist conversion movement in fighting this battle. This politics of caste appears to be only a power struggle between competing castes. Making caste identity as the main instrument of mobilization, it actually endorses the brahminical ideology in regulating the democratic system. However, in comparison, the Buddhist conversion movement argues for the complete annihilation of the caste-system. It upholds an ideology that is based on social justice and equal opportunities. It is conducive to the construction of a positive collective culture of people based on rational ethos. Dr. Ambedkar’s Buddhism symbolizes a vision for the reconstruction of society by foregrounding the issue of ‘social democracy’ in the mainstream debates of political development. The conversion movement has the potential of changing the public discourse from ‘politics of caste’ to the ‘evaluation of Hindu religion’ with a secular perspective. The post-Ambedkar Dalit movements are using strategies that are limited to issues like representation of the Dalit caste elites in the power structure and the perpetually controversial caste-based Reservations. The agenda of establishing social democracy, through radicalizing the orthodox religious domain, is sidelined under the broad consensus in a largely ineffective political democracy. Modern Dalit politics, thus, has a blurred, narrow and power-centric perspective, having limited effects on the socio-cultural and economic status of the community. More so, being the representative of particular caste(s) in politics, it operates in the circle of hierarchisal relationships, without actually breaking the permanent pure-impure dichotomy. These characteristics are the reflections of a caste-ordained political philosophy of Dalit politics, which has failed to articulate Dr. Ambedkar’s vision, based on the ideology of the Buddhist conversion movement. India being a religious nation, cannot subtract religious identities from public reason. The democratic sphere, in response to such a cultural domain, represents multiple assertions of numerous ethnic identities. Because of its nonprogressive and conservative nature, caste politics upholds the domination of ‘upper’ caste hindu cultural values over the democratic polity. For a dignified social democratic order, it is essential to end plural caste identities and its antagonistic immoral political nature. The need is to convert the traditional war amongst the castes into a conclusive battle between the scientific, modern, secular, religious order against an orthodox, communal and discriminatory religious order. A revolutionary shift of subaltern masses to Buddhism has the potential to radicalize the whole democratic order towards a meaningful humane world. Harish is pusuing his PhD from JNU, New Delhi and teaches Political Sciences in Delhi University. ------------------------------------ ---- INFORMATION OVERLOAD? Get all ZESTCaste mails sent out in a span of 24 hours in a single mail. Subscribe to the daily digest version by sending a blank mail to [email protected], OR, if you have a Yahoo! Id, change your settings at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/ZESTMedia/join/ PARTICIPATE:- On this list you can share caste news, discuss caste issues and network with like-minded anti-caste people from across India and the world. 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