The European Union and the halo effect

  By Gwynne Dyer
  The Baltic Times | December 22, 2004
  http://www.baltictimes.com/art.php?art_id=11652                

"The Islamic world, the Islamic extremists, even bin Laden, rejoice
for the entrance of Turkey into the European Union. This is their
Trojan horse," warned Libyan dictator Muammar Gadafy on Dec. 17. The
EU's decision on that day to open membership talks with Turkey would
eventually lead to Muslim domination of Europe, he explained.
It was an encouraging outburst, in a way, for Gadafy is almost always
wrong: if the sage of Tripoli is predicting disaster, then it should
be all right in the end. Turkey's eventual membership (still 10 - 15
years away) will not transform the EU; rather, Turkey will be
transformed by its membership. The influences travel outwards, not
inwards.

There is a kind of halo effect around the European Union. Even though
the EU doesn't actively push its values on its neighbors, the mere
fact that a majority of Europeans already live in this zone, where
democracy works and civil and human rights are genuinely respected, is
transforming expectations and behavior in the rest of Europe.

Take Turkey, for example. The 70 million Turks have practically turned
themselves inside out in their effort to meet the standards on
democracy, human rights and legal and fiscal propriety demanded of
countries seeking to open membership negotiations. Turkey has changed
more in the past three years than in the previous 30 and almost
entirely for the better.

Or consider the re-staged second round of the Ukrainian presidential
election next Sunday (Dec. 26), which will almost certainly be won by
reformist candidate Viktor Yushchenko. The weeks of nonviolent mass
protests in Kiev that forced the cancellation of the rigged election
results and a rerun under intense international scrutiny would
probably not have happened without the hope of eventual EU membership
for Ukraine.

The EU has done nothing to encourage this hope. It has just taken in
10 new members, another three countries in the Balkans will probably
be joining in 2007, and most EU leaders would have dodged a decision
on Turkey's candidacy this year if they were not trapped by promises
made long ago. No EU government wants to start entry negotiations for
50 million impoverished Ukrainians on the borders of a resentful
Russia any time soon - but Ukrainians simply ignored that.

A majority of Ukrainians, who have lived for the past 13 years in a
post-Soviet morass of arrogant corruption, brazen election-rigging and
sold-out media, took to the streets because they believed that there
could be an alternative future for their country in the EU. Ukrainian
entry into the EU may be even further away than Turkey's, but it was
that vision of honest government, free media and fair enforcement of
the law glimmering on the horizon that made the Orange Revolution in
Ukraine possible.

The same was at least partly true for the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia
last year, and it was wholly true for the other "Orange Revolution" of
the past month - the one that happened in Romania. In every case the
initiative came from local people demanding the same rights and values
that EU citizens enjoy and not from the EU trying to export its values
to the East.

In fact, if it had been left to the governments that are allegedly the
guardians of the EU's democratic values, it wouldn't have happened at all.

Romania had the most oppressive communist party in Eastern Europe
before 1989, and the revolution there in December of that year was
largely a fake. Leading regime members, seeing which way the wind was
blowing, launched a coup, stood dictator Nicolae Ceausescu and his
wife against a wall and shot them. But then they just renamed
themselves Social Democrats and went right on ruling the place. They
have been in power for most of the past 15 years, enriching themselves
shamelessly and manipulating the media and the electoral system to
stay in charge. Corruption is so bad that an estimated 10 percent of
the average Romanian's income goes to bribing public officials.

Romania was much less qualified for EU membership than Turkey - it
even has a lower per capita income - and yet the EU was pushing entry
negotiations through to an early conclusion.

The 22 million Romanians are not Muslims, so there was no popular
anxiety in existing EU members about letting them in. EU officials
were deeply cynical about the possibility of real reform in Romania
and decided to let it in anyway. Prime Minister Adrian Nastase, once a
fervent supporter of Ceausescu, seemed to be cruising smoothly to
another term after the first round of elections in early December,
although monitors from the Organization for Security and Cooperation
in Europe reported multiple voting frauds. (The EU did not bother to
send monitors.)

In effect, practically everybody had written off democracy in Romania
- except the Romanians. In the second round of voting on Dec. 12, with
much closer monitoring of the polls, they voted Nastase out and
elected Traian Basescu, a former ship's captain with no links to the
ex-communist oligarchy. It will take Basescu years to loosen the grip
of the oligarchs on Romania's economy and its media (as it will for
Yushchenko in Ukraine, too), but the Romanians have decided that if
they are going to be in the EU, they want the whole package.

Given the choice, people know what they want.








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