Censor's pen makes it difficult to read between the lines

  By Siddharth Varadarajan
  The Hindu | January 20, 2005
  http://www.hindu.com/2005/01/20/stories/2005012014081100.htm

If a Bollywood heroine's piya were to go today to Rangoon and wish to
send an e-mail rather than using the telephoon, he better make sure
it's not Hotmail, Gmail, Sify or Yahoo.

For along with the hundreds of websites that Myanmar's military rulers
block access to, most popular web-based email services are also
firewalled out. The idea is to prevent dissident groups (like
mizzima.com) from disseminating information within the country.
English language newspapers from the West are accessible but Indian
news sites weren't until the Indian embassy requested that they be
unblocked. One can also access Google without a problem, but a search
for the key words `Myanmar' and `human rights' is likely to generate
an error message: "Inappropriate search field".

The Internet being what it is, of course, local residents can always
open an account with less well-known email providers and receive
`contraband' information in their inboxes. And the situation today is
a huge improvement over what prevailed earlier, when there was no Net
and modems were illegal. But the systematic censorship of the web here
suggests the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) government is
perfectly capable of adapting its political and administrative
practices to the changing technologies and modes of communication that
economic openness inevitably brings.

Sanitised pages

As for older media technologies like newspapers, good old-fashioned
pre-censorship ensures that Myanmar has the most anodyne, sanitised
news pages within 2,000 kilometres of Pyongyang.

If all one reads is English, the only daily newspaper here is the New
Light of Myanmar, a Government-run tabloid where the lead story on a
typical day last week was, `Senior General Than Shwe enjoys Tatmadaw
(Army, Navy and Air) Golf Tournament.' There are virtually no opinion
pieces, and editorials deal with such virtuous topics as `Try best to
become noble-minded nurses' and `Knowledge of history the key to a
better future.' The only news from Myanmar consists of brief accounts
of official announcements and visits, though coverage of foreign news
� especially from China, and from Iraq � is ample.

In the Burmese language, the situation is better: there is a choice of
three state-run dailies. But, in a variation on Henry Ford's dictum on
the colour of his cars, you can buy any newspaper you want but the
news in them will always be the same. There are a number of private
weeklies and fortnightlies, including Myanmar Times, an Australian
joint venture. But pre-censorship by the `Literary Works Scrutiny
Committee' means the papers' contentis tightly regulated.

Last September, a Burmese business weekly, Dhana, was reportedly
suspended after it carried a photograph of the jailed student leader,
Min Ko Naing. The photo was actually inadvertent. The paper had
interviewed the famous artist, U Thet Nyunt, who happened to be the
father of the student leader, and it was a portrait of his son which
was visible in one of the photo frames. Today, Dhana is back on the
stands. And in one of those bizarre turns of event, Khin Nyunt � the
military intelligence chief and Prime Minister who oversaw the
censorship process � is in jail while Min Ko Naing is a free man,
released by the SPDC in an amnesty following Khin Nyunt's arrest.

Reflection

The state of the media, of course, closely mirrors the state of
politics here. Though the visible trappings of military rule are
absent � gone are the ubiquitous hoardings in praise of the Tatmadaw �
and Yangon is no longer the economic backwater it was a decade ago,
the SPDC regime is in no hurry to usher in a wave of glasnost. The
National League for Democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, who was freed
from house arrest in May 2002, was rearrested a year later and remains
in "protective custody". Since then, the authorities have come up with
a `Myanmar Roadmap' to "genuine and disciplined democracy" involving
the convening of a National Convention. A number of rallies and
meetings with `national race groups' (i.e. ethnic minorities) have
been held and the National Convention met in May last year. Though as
many as 54 NLD delegates were invited to participate, the party
decided to stay away.

While there are many who question the credibility of this roadmap, it
is clear that the NLD has not been successful in working out a
strategy that can combine a flexible response to the SPDC's overtures
with fidelity to its basic programme. It is also apparent that
pressure from the U.S. and others is not helping the process of
national reconciliation but only hardening attitudes all around.

With the dismissal of Khin Nyunt as PM, the perception here is that
the government will adopt a tougher line towards it opponents.
However, Myanmar is due to hold the rotating chair of Asean in 2006
and it is possible that some members of the South-East Asian grouping
could insist on more visible progress towards democratisation by then.








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