What is wrong with sub-Saharan Africa? 

  By Simon Teitel
  Daily Times | April 1, 2005
  http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page==story_19-3-2005_pg3_4

(Simon Teitel is an economic development consultant and Visiting
Research Fellow at the International Centre for Economic Research in
Turin)


{Economic development depends mainly on the emergence of dedicated,
talented, and honest national and regional political leaders. Only
such leaders can build the legitimacy needed to unite their countries,
and only then will they be able to confront head on the many
challenges that the region faces in shaking loose from the shackles of
backwardness}



The world's economic powers finally appear to be closing ranks behind
efforts to address global poverty and economic underdevelopment. At
this year's World Economic Forum, within the G-8, and elsewhere, the
consensus that something needs to be done has been as clear as it is
welcome. But, for some of the world's poorest regions, particularly
sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), a commitment to help may not be enough.

Basic indicators of economic and social development show SSA lagging
far behind other developing areas. The average income per capita of
SSA countries in 2000 was less than half that for all developing
countries, about 40 percent of the level of East Asian and Pacific
developing countries, and less than 25 percent that of Latin America
and the Caribbean countries.

Similarly, life expectancy at birth in SSA countries lagged 16 years
behind the developing-country average, 14 years behind countries in
South Asia, and 21 years behind countries in East Asia, Latin America,
and the Caribbean. In combined gross enrolment in primary, secondary
and higher education, SSA countries stood 19 percent below the average
for developing countries, 11 percent below South Asian countries, 29
percent below East Asia and the Pacific, and 32 percent below Latin
America and the Caribbean.

What accounts for this broad-based underdevelopment? Until the late
1800s, most of Africa was unexplored and occupied by hunter-gatherers
and practitioners of subsistence agriculture. Land was relatively
abundant and allocated by tribal chiefs without regard to
Western-style property rights. The only territorial units resembling
those that exist today were Ethiopia, Liberia, and South Africa.

During the burst of imperial expansion in Africa that followed
national integration and trade liberalisation in Europe, colonial
powers showed little interest in delineating colonial national
boundaries based on cultural or ethnic considerations; they cared only
about raw materials and markets. The Berlin Conference of 1885 fixed
the borders of Europe's African colonies so that they included within
them a large variety of languages, religions, and ethnic groups.

Most SSA countries attained national independence some time after the
end of the World War II, as the British, French, Belgian, and
Portuguese empires unravelled (Germany had already lost its colonies
after 1918). Thus, SSA countries have only enjoyed independence for a
short period in comparison with, say, South America, where countries
had their wars of independence around 1810-1820 and achieved some type
of constitutional government by 1850-1880.

The legacy of arbitrarily drawn borders and limited political
centralisation meant that in many SSA countries remnants of the
colonial experience continue to play a big role in defining the
institutional landscape, such as the civil service and public
administration, educational system, and economic infrastructure. To be
sure, many countries adopted English, French, or Portuguese as their
official languages, and European missionaries, who often followed in
the colonisers' footsteps, had success in transmitting their religious
practices to local populations.

Nevertheless, linguistic variety and ethnic divisions remain more
important than in most of the developing world, and tribal affiliation
has continued to hinder the emergence of unifying national identities.
Moreover, self-rule has not brought many democratically elected
regimes. Instead, anti-colonial liberation leaders often developed
personality cults and hogged power for decades.

Monopolisation of political power led, in turn, to rampant cronyism
and corruption, which stifled economic and social development. Recent
data on perceived corruption in public transactions show the SSA
countries with the lowest average score for all developing regions.
Only Botswana and Namibia achieved respectable scores. The worst
offenders were Cameroon, Uganda, Kenya, Angola, Madagascar, and Nigeria.

Weak national unity has underpinned an even more damaging pattern.
Since the 1990s, many of the world's armed conflicts have taken place
in SSA countries. Congo and Lesotho each experienced two conflicts
during the decade, while civil strife ravaged Sierra Leone, Ivory
Coast, Liberia, Congo, and Sudan. This deterred not only foreign and
domestic investment, but, more fundamentally, the formation of the
very institutions needed for successful economic development.

Sustained economic growth requires, everywhere, the accumulation of
physical and human capital, as well as the acquisition of
technological capabilities. This process does not occur in a
historical vacuum, devoid of the influence of powerful social and
political factors. Structure, institutions, and policies are critical
determinants, as is the availability of qualified technical and
administrative personnel.

Indeed, the availability of a highly qualified bureaucracy in both
South Korea and Taiwan � and before that in their model country, Japan
� was a necessary precondition for achieving rapid economic growth. By
contrast, the shortage in SSA of scientific, technical, and
administrative skills, such as those of engineers, natural scientists,
managers, and technicians, is a key reason why the East Asian
"miracle" could not be reproduced there.

None of the preconditions of economic development will be met in SSA
until the legacy of colonialism and weak states that has defined the
region is overcome. Developed countries can provide limited help by
means of well-focused, untied aid and technical assistance projects.

But success depends mainly on the emergence of dedicated, talented,
and honest national and regional political leaders. Only such leaders
can build up the legitimacy needed to unite their countries, and only
then will they be able to confront head on the many challenges that
the region faces in shaking loose from the shackles of backwardness.











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