The Founding Sachems

  By CHARLES C. MANN
  New York Times | July 4, 2005
  http://www.nytimes.com/2005/07/04/opinion/04mann.html

(Charles C. Mann is the author of the forthcoming "1491: New Revelations of the 
Americas Before Columbus.")

Amherst, Mass.

SEEKING to understand this nation's democratic spirit, Alexis de Tocqueville 
journeyed to the famous centers of American liberty (Boston, Philadelphia, 
Washington), stoically enduring their "infernal" accommodations, food and roads 
and chatting up almost everyone he saw.

He even marched in a Fourth of July parade in Albany just ahead of a big float 
that featured a flag-waving Goddess of Liberty, a bust of Benjamin Franklin, 
and a printing press that spewed out copies of the Declaration of Independence 
for the cheering crowd. But for all his wit and intellect, Tocqueville never 
realized that he came closest to his goal just three days after the parade, 
when he stopped at the "rather unhealthy but thickly peopled" area around 
Syracuse.

Tocqueville's fascination with the democratic spirit was prescient. Expressed 
politically in Americans' insistence on limited government and culturally in 
their long-standing disdain for elites, that spirit has become one of this 
country's great gifts to the world.

When rich London and Paris stockbrokers proudly retain their working-class 
accents, when audiences show up at La Scala in track suits and sneakers, when 
South Africans and Thais complain that the police don't read suspects their 
rights the way they do on "Starsky & Hutch," when anti-government protesters in 
Beirut sing "We Shall Overcome" in Lebanese accents - all these raspberries in 
the face of social and legal authority have a distinctly American tone. Or, 
perhaps, a distinctly Native American tone, for among its wellsprings is 
American Indian culture, especially that of the Iroquois.

The Iroquois confederation, known to its members as the Haudenosaunee, was 
probably the greatest indigenous polity north of the Rio Grande in the two 
centuries before Columbus and definitely the greatest in the two centuries 
after. A political and military alliance formed by the Seneca, Cayuga, 
Onondaga, Oneida, Mohawk and, after about 1720, the Tuscarora, it dominated, at 
its height, an area from Kentucky to Lake Ontario and Lake Champlain. Its 
capital was Onondaga, a bustling small city of several thousand souls a few 
miles south of where Tocqueville stopped in modern Syracuse.

The Iroquois confederation was governed by a constitution, the Great Law of 
Peace, which established the league's Great Council: 50 male royaneh 
(religious-political leaders), each representing one of the female-led clans of 
the alliance's nations. What was striking to the contemporary eye was that the 
117 codicils of the Great Law were concerned as much with constraining the 
Great Council as with granting it authority. "Their whole civil policy was 
averse to the concentration of power in the hands of any single individual," 
explained Lewis Henry Morgan, a pioneering ethnographer of the Iroquois.

The council's jurisdiction was limited to relations among the nations and 
outside groups; internal affairs were the province of the individual nations. 
Even in the council's narrow domain, the Great Law insisted that every time the 
royaneh confronted "an especially important matter or a great emergency," they 
had to "submit the matter to the decision of their people" in a kind of 
referendum open to both men and women.

In creating such checks on authority, the league was just the most formal 
expression of a regionwide tradition. Although the Indian sachems on the 
Eastern Seaboard were absolute monarchs in theory, wrote the colonial leader 
Roger Williams, in practice they did not make any decisions "unto which the 
people are averse." These smaller groups did not have formal, Iroquois-style 
constitutions, but their governments, too, were predicated on the consent of 
the governed. Compared to the despotisms that were the norm in Europe and Asia, 
the societies encountered by British colonists were a libertarian dream.

To some extent, this freedom reflected North American Indians' relatively 
recent adoption of agriculture. Early farming villages worldwide have always 
had less authoritarian governments than their successors. But the Indians of 
the Northeast made what the historian José António Brandão calls "autonomous 
responsibility" a social ideal - the Iroquois especially, but many others, too. 
Each Indian, the Jesuit missionary Joseph-François Lafitau observed, viewing 
"others as masters of their own actions and themselves, lets them conduct 
themselves as they wish and judges only himself."






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