Twist in Foucault's Iranian Tale
  
  By RONOJOY SEN
  The Times of India | JULY 04, 2005 
  http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/1158987.cms

Islamic revolution could have gone another way

What would Michel Foucault have to say about the recent Iranian elections?
Foucault and Iran — does not quite ring a bell, does it? In fact,
Foucault, one of the most influential philosophers of our times, did
write on Iran. In the autumn of 1978, when Mohammed Reza Pahlavi
Shah's regime was on its last legs, Foucault visited Iran to report on
events. He wrote seven despatches for a leading Italian newspaper and
subsequent articles in French. Much of this remained unnoticed until
the publication this June of an English translation of Foucault's
writings on Iran.
Foucault's observations on the Islamic revolution in Iran would
probably come as a surprise to his legion of followers. The thinker,
who made his mark by uncovering the multifarious forms of power in
society, was an unabashed admirer of the revolution led by Ayatollah
Khomeini. Foucault wrote, "As an Islamic movement it can set the
entire region afire, overturn the most unstable regimes, and disturb
the most solid. Islam — which is not simply a religion, but an entire
way of life, an adherence to a history and civilisation — has a good
chance to become a gigantic powder keg, at the level of hundreds of
millions of men". On this point, he wasn't off the mark. What is
contentious in today's context is Foucault's assessment of Islam as a
religion that gives to people "infinite resources to resist state power".
After walking the streets of Tehran and Qom, Foucault reported that by
"Islamic government" nobody in Iran meant a "political regime in which
the clerics would have a role of supervision or control". For
Foucault, an Islamic government signified two things: a notion of
going back to Islam at the time of the Prophet and simul-taneously a
movement towards a luminous future. With respect to politics in such a
regime, Foucault wrote that "decisions should be made by the majority,
the leaders should be responsible to the people, and each person, as
it is laid out in the Qur'an, should be able to stand up and hold
accountable he who governs".
Does this evaluation hold in modern-day Iran or indeed any other
Islamic nation in West Asia? In Iran, more than a quarter century
since Khomeini stormed to power, Islam is used to bolster the state
rather than to subvert it. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who succeeded
Khomeini as Iran's supreme religious leader 18 years ago, presides
over a regime where clerics have the final say in all government
decisions. It is also a society where social norms and behaviour are
imposed. The Basij, a militia that often patrols the streets, enforces
strict codes of dress and conduct. Then there are the Revolutionary
Guards who track dissidents and are loyal to Khamenei. In fact, Iran's
president-elect Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was at one time with both the
Basij and the Revolutionary Guards.
The other Islamic nations in the region do not fare any better when it
comes to freedom of movement, speech and association. The latest Arab
Human Development Report, compiled by the region's scholars and civil
society actors, is a strong indictment of ruling regimes. It says,
"Authoritarian regimes severely restrict freedoms and the right to
political participation and civil activity to ensure that no
opposition arises to challenge their unrepresentative form of government."
The question is how far is the Islamic form of government — which
Foucault so enthusiastically endorsed — responsible for the ills of
the region. The authors of the development report do not directly
answer that. But they do say that expressions of freedom are present
in the Islamic world. For instance, they point to the Qur'an which
says "there is no compulsion in religion", or to the tradition of
ijtihad (interpretive reasoning) which favours the authority of the
umma (nation) over the faqih (jurisprudent).
Others have made the point that Islam is not necessarily inimical to
democracy. This is perhaps borne out by Iran where in spite of the
vetting of the presidential candidates by the Guardian Council and
allegations of vote fraud and coercion, the elections were marked by a
vigorous campaign and a high voter turnout. According to one estimate,
some two-thirds of the 1.4 billion Muslims in the world live under
democratically elected governments — Turkey, Indonesia, Bangla-desh
and Morocco — in which Islamists are major players.
For too long, however, Islam has been used as a repressive rather than
a liberating force in Iran and other West Asian nations. Foucault
perhaps had in mind the principles of ijtihad, ijma (consensus) and
shura (consultation) when he spoke of Islamic governments using
religious structures as a source for political creation. Like Mahatma
Gandhi, Foucault also talked of the introduction of a spiritual
dimension into political life. If Islamic governments are to fulfil
Foucault's prophecies, they must reach out to the ordinary citizens
and not oppress them in the name of ossified religion. 






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