The nuclear answer?

  Economist.com | July 7, 2005
http://www.economist.com/opinion/displayStory.cfm?story_id=A51435


If global warming is to be tackled, nuclear power may be part of the
solution—but only part

Aflo / naturepl.com

WHEN rich-country summits are held in remote places, to which the
official delegations will mainly travel by helicopter and the media
circus by plane and car, it is hard not to be sceptical about the
summiteers' professed desire to do something about global
warming—despite their claims to be "carbon-neutral". Such scepticism
is fuelled by the fact that the host of the G8 meeting in Scotland on
July 6th-8th, Tony Blair, almost completely ignored the topic of
climate change during his general election campaign in May, despite
having recently nominated it as one of the planet's most pressing
problems.

These annual summits long ago lost the ability to generate real
discussions, let alone decisions. On a subject such as aid for Africa,
the publicity and the implicit deadline do seem to have had an effect,
galvanising officials and finance ministers to reach agreement prior
to the summit both on technical matters and on grander ones. But on
almost everything else the summits are ineffectual: too big, grand and
orchestrated to permit serious debate, but too unrepresentative to
carry genuine weight in today's world. Without China, India and
Brazil, for example, how can such meetings pretend to address economic
policy, financial flows, trade or indeed global warming? The
developing countries' effective absence from the Kyoto Protocol on
climate change is one of the main reasons given by Americans for not
ratifying it.
The reviving nuclear industry
Jul 7th 2005
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The environment

Nuclear Energy

The G8 summit at Gleneagles has targeted climate change as a key
policy issue. See also the British prime minister. The White House has
information about its energy policies. The US Department of Energy
describes the "challenge of climate change".

Yet just because the summit will do little or nothing to deal with
global warming does not mean that nothing can be done. Both Mr Blair
and Mr Bush have recently given hints of how a new sort of solution is
gaining ground. During Britain's election campaign, Mr Blair's
government gently floated the idea that it might be considering a
fresh wave of investment in nuclear-power generation. And this week Mr
Bush stressed that he thinks the best solution lies in investment in
"alternative energy technologies"—by which he doesn't mean wind
turbines but rather fuel cells and, in particular, nuclear power.

How green is my Geiger counter

Nuclear power seemed a dying industry just a few years ago. Not one
new nuclear plant has been ordered in America in over two decades,
thanks to the accident at the Three Mile Island plant in 1979. The
much more serious accident at Chernobyl in Ukraine in 1986 led to a
dramatic backlash in many European countries, with Sweden, Italy,
Belgium and Germany banning future nuclear plants outright.

For sure, a remarkable reversal of fortunes seems to be in the works.
Public opinion and even green opinion, once universally hostile, is
softening. The industry argues that the improved economics of nuclear
power can justify new plants (see article). In Europe, concerns about
energy security and climate change together are boosting nuclear
power. Eastern European countries, worried about reliance on Russian
gas, are mostly pro-nuclear. Germany's opposition conservatives now
say they will rethink the country's hostility to nuclear power.
Finland is forging ahead with a new nuclear plant. In Asia, nuclear
power never really died: it has remained an important part of energy
thinking in countries such as Japan (despite accidents), Taiwan, South
Korea, India and China. Now, however, China's plans to build 30 new
nuclear plants are gaining the technology fresh attention.

But does nuclear power merit such a radical rethink? This newspaper
harbours especially sore nuclear memories: the cover of The Economist
bore the headline "The charm of nuclear power" shortly before the
Chernobyl disaster took place. That said, the former Soviet Union
should not stand as a benchmark for the industry's safety standards,
which have greatly improved during the past 20 years. Waste disposal
remains a huge and controversial problem, but it is not insoluble: a
consensus seems to be forming around the burial of waste deep
underground. The harder nut to crack is that of the industry's economics.

Low interest rates, dear oil and fat subsidies

Compared with other forms of power generation, nuclear stations do
look more attractive than they used to—but not by as much as the
industry claims. Existing plants, sometimes cited by the utilities,
are no guide: the marginal cost of their power is cheap, but that is
because the capital costs have long been written off. New plants
require huge amounts of capital and the payback comes over several
decades. That makes any economic assessment extremely sensitive to
assumptions about borrowing costs and about prices for oil and natural
gas. Today's high oil and gas prices make nuclear look good, but by
the time new plants start producing electricity things could be
different. So could the political climate: the recent swing in favour
of nuclear power on the part of politicians and environmentalists
could just as easily swing back. Together, these make investment in
nuclear energy extremely risky.

Which probably explains why bankers in New York and London are not
exactly queuing up to lend to private nuclear consortiums, and why the
industry is demanding hefty subsidies from governments. The nuclear
business has already received half of all the subsidies lavished on
the energy industry in OECD countries over the past 50 years, in
inflation-adjusted terms. Now it wants more: to defray licensing costs
and to insure itself against construction delays or switchbacks in the
regulatory process; and to kick-start a process of technological
innovation.

In principle, this ought not to be dismissed out of hand. If fossil
fuels impose upon us all the social costs of pollution and global
warming, then subsidising other, cleaner forms of energy could be one
way to deal with those costs. Other "alternative technologies" already
receive subsidies on that basis, including wind farms in many European
countries. In practice, though, subsidies are not the best solution:
they largely ignore motor vehicles, whose exhaust emissions are among
the main offenders; and they are a blunter tool than direct penalties
levied on polluters—in other words, taxes.

The better ways to deal with pollution and with the dangers of global
warming are by taxing the use of carbon, in order to deter it and to
encourage energy consumers to switch to other sources; and by
facilitating the trading of carbon emissions. Given the uncertainties
of climate science and thus about the true speed of global warming,
such measures have the added virtue of applying a steady,
incentive-based squeeze on polluting activities that can be adjusted
as knowledge improves, rather than draconian quantitative controls.

As those carbon taxes rise to reflect more fully the environmental
costs of fossil fuels, so nuclear and other non-carbon energies would
become more financially appealing. Like any other form of power,
nuclear ought then to be able to compete in the marketplace, without
subsidies. Politically, though, the odds are tilted against the full
use of carbon taxes: motorists represent a huge block of voters; but
also the utilities represent a huge source of campaign donations,
especially in America. It will take brave politicians to levy carbon
taxes intensively.

To offer big subsidies to the nuclear industry may currently look
green, but would be an admission of defeat. Governments that feel
defeatist can thus consider subsidising nuclear power, for safety
concerns should no longer rule it out altogether. But it should be
part of a portfolio of different options, with fuel cells, biomass,
solar, wind and various sorts of micropower playing their part too.
Putting a bet of billions on a single, risky solution would make no
sense at all.

This article was to have been the print edition's cover leader, until
the bomb attacks took place in London on July 7th.






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