A good analysis. But how an India-born Fareed Zakaria makes no mention of the 
attack on India's Parliament -- Inia's 12/13?

>From: Tarun Udwala <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Reply-To: [email protected]
>To: [email protected]
>Subject: [ZESTGlobal] Fareed Zakaria: How We Can Prevail
>Date: Fri, 15 Jul 2005 08:13:22 -0700 (PDT)
>
>   How We Can Prevail
>
>   By Fareed Zakaria
>   Newsweek | July 18, 2005
>   http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/8525976/site/newsweek/
>
>
>The London bombings have failed. Barbarous in intent, brutal for a few 
>hundred people, unsettling for all who watched in horror, they have 
>nonetheless failed. In one day much of the city's transport system was up 
>and running again, its Underground stations busy and its buses crowded with 
>passengers. Most businesses stayed open, and people didn't panic. Right 
>after the blasts, Britain was scheduled to play Australia in a cricket 
>match at Headingley stadium in Leeds, 170 miles from London. The organizers 
>decided that the game would go on. Britain won.
>
>The clear hope of the terrorists last Thursday morning was to disrupt 
>economic activities at one of the world's financial centers. For years now, 
>Al Qaeda's leaders, including Osama bin Laden, have urged that this be the 
>goal of future attacks. But in 24 hours the London stock market was back to 
>its pre-bombing levels. World markets bounced back even faster. All 
>indications are that Britain will see a minimal drop in tourism and 
>virtually none in trade.
>
>This is part of a larger pattern of global resilience that has been growing 
>ever since September 11, 2001. After those attacks, global markets took two 
>months to return to their Sept. 10 levels. After the Madrid bombings in 
>2004, the Spanish market took one month to recover. The broader economic 
>picture is similar. After 9/11, the United States lost hundreds of billions 
>of dollars in economic activity. The Bali nightclub bombing in 2002 had a 
>similarly dramatic effect on the Indonesian economy, with tourism vanishing 
>and trade and investment drying up for months. But a year later, after 
>another Indonesian bombing, this time at the Marriott hotel in Jakarta, the 
>market dropped only briefly and there was little significant damage to the 
>Indonesian economy. The bombings in Morocco and Turkey in 2003 similarly 
>had little economic effect. After the Madrid attack, Spain grew faster than 
>it had for three years.
>
>Economic activity is perhaps the best measure of the psychological response 
>to terrorism. Do people get scared, stay home, refuse to travel and shop 
>less? Or do they come to the view that life goes on? Overwhelmingly, much 
>of the world appears to have arrived at the latter position. And in doing 
>so, people have robbed the terrorists of their most potent weapon.
>
>
>The other important difference between the London bombings and 9/11 has 
>been the response of the world of Islam. For months after 9/11, I kept 
>writing that it was sad and disturbing that Muslims were reluctant to 
>condemn the attacks. This time is different. Major Muslim groups in Britain 
>have unambiguously denounced the bombings. Even "fundamentalist" 
>organizations have condemned it. The Muslim Association of Britain, a 
>hard-line group with alleged ties to militants in the Middle East, called 
>the bombings "heinous and repulsive" and urged Muslims to help the 
>emergency services and police. "We have faith in Britain and British people 
>that we as a country will not be defeated by this," said its spokesman, 
>Anas Altikriti.
>
>The response outside Britain has also been much stronger than ever before. 
>The grand imam of Al-Azhar, Sheik Mohammed Sayyed Tantawi, condemned the 
>bombers but went further, rejecting the argument that this attack could be 
>justified as an attempt to force Britain out of Iraq. "This is illogical 
>and cannot be the motive for killing innocent civilians," he said. More 
>striking have been the condemnations from radical groups like Hamas, 
>Hizbullah and Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, all of which have denounced the 
>bombings. Many of them have, of course, coupled their attacks on the 
>terrorists with denunciations of American and British policies in the 
>Middle East, particularly regarding Iraq and the Palestinian territories. 
>But that kind of rhetoric is old news. What is new here is the fact that no 
>one, not even Hamas, can continue to condone or even stay silent about 
>these barbarities.
>
>September 11 shocked the Arab psyche. For months afterward, Arabs and many 
>Muslims went through phases recognizable to psychologists: shock, denial, 
>anger. (Remember those absurd claims that 9/11 was a Mossad plot?) They are 
>finally, slowly, moving toward recognizing that there is a great 
>dysfunction in the world of Islam, which has allowed Muslims to concoct 
>wild conspiracy theories, blame others for their problems and, worst of 
>all, condone grotesque violence.
>
>Now things are changing. The day before the London bombs, a conference of 
>180 top Muslim sheiks and imams, brought together under the auspices of 
>Jordan's King Abdullah, issued a statement forbidding that any Muslim be 
>declared takfir—an apostate. This is a frontal attack on Al Qaeda's 
>theological methods. Declaring someone takfir—and thus sanctioning his or 
>her death—is a favorite tactic of bin Laden and his ally in Iraq, Abu 
>Mussab al-Zarqawi. The conference's statement was endorsed by 10 fatwas 
>from such big conservative scholars as Tantawi; Iraq's Grand Ayatollah Ali 
>Sistani; Egypt's mufti, Ali Jumaa, and the influential Al-Jazeera TV-sheik, 
>Yusuf al-Qaradawi. Signed by adherents of all schools of fiqh (Islamic 
>jurisprudence), it also allows only qualified Muslim scholars to issue 
>edicts. The Islamic Conference's statement, the first of its kind, is a 
>rare show of unity among the religious establishment against terrorists and 
>their scholarly allies.
>
>
>This hardly puts an end to the struggle within Islam. The same day the 
>Jordanian statement was issued, Al Qaeda in Iraq said that Egypt's 
>ambassador to that country, Ihab al-Sherif, would be killed as an apostate. 
>The day of the London bombings, an Internet message purportedly from 
>Zarqawi's group said the "ambassador of the infidels" had been killed.
>
>These kinds of events will continue. There should be much, much greater 
>condemnation from mainstream Islam. Moderates must adopt a zero-tolerance 
>policy on terrorism, regardless of what they think of Iraq, Palestine or 
>any other policy issue. But those clamoring for such condemnations should 
>bear in mind that this will not solve the problem. Even if the moderates 
>win and overwhelm the extremists, there will always be some number of 
>unconverted jihadists, who either out of depravity or conviction seek to do 
>evil. If 99.99 percent of the Arab world rejects terrorism, that still 
>leaves 20,000 people to worry about. If 99.9 percent of the Muslim world is 
>against the terrorists, there's 1 million people out there who are 
>dangerous. And the technologies of destruction ensure that they will, on 
>occasion, be successful.
>
>To realize victory, we have to understand this struggle is more complex 
>than we have been led to believe. Simple slogans telling us we fight 
>terrorists in Iraq so that we will not have to fight them here, are just 
>that: slogans, not comprehensive policies. In fact, as London shows, 
>terrorists can fight in two places at the same time. Or three. Or 10. And 
>the great danger, of course, is that they can fight with dangerous weapons. 
>The calculus of terror would change irrevocably if one of these splinter 
>groups were ever to get its hands on nuclear materials or biological 
>pathogens. So far the Bush administration has not given this danger the 
>priority it urgently requires.
>
>The broader shift that needs to take place, however, is a better definition 
>of victory. America's political leaders continue to give their citizens the 
>impression that victory means ensuring that there will be no other attack 
>on American soil—as long as we go on the offense abroad, get perfect 
>intelligence, buy fancy new technologies at home, screen visas and lock 
>some people up. But all these tough tactics and all the intelligence in the 
>world will not change the fact that in today's open societies, terrorism is 
>easy to carry out. The British authorities, perhaps the world's best at 
>combating terror, admit they had no warning about last week's attack. The 
>American response to the London bombs has been a perfect example of U.S. 
>grandstanding. We immediately raised the alert level, scaring Americans, 
>with no specific information about terror attacks in America. Why? Because 
>were something to happen here, politicians and bureaucrats want to be able 
>to say, "Don't blame us, we told you."
>
>Real victory is not about preventing all attacks everywhere. No one can 
>guarantee that. It's really about preventing the worst kinds of attacks, 
>and responding well to others. And on this score, America remains woefully 
>unprepared. "The British attacks failed because Britain has excellent 
>response systems and its people are well prepared on how to respond. 
>America has neither advantage today," says Stephen Flynn, a 
>homeland-security expert and author of "America the Vulnerable: How Our 
>Government Is Failing to Protect Us From Terrorism." "We need good 
>education and training for transit workers and citizens, good communication 
>mechanisms among government agencies and the people, and most important, a 
>good public-health infrastructure." We have little of this today. In the 
>years after 9/11 we have wasted much time, effort and money on other 
>priorities rather than engaging in the massive investment in the systems of 
>response that we need. Our leaders remain unwilling to speak honestly
>  about the world we live in and to help people develop the mentality of 
>response that is essential to prevailing.
>
>The bombs were meant to show that the terrorists were strong and we were 
>weak. In fact they have shown the opposite. But to realize victory fully, 
>we must know what victory means.
>
>(With Carla Power and Rana Foroohar in London, Rukhmini Punoose in New York 
>and Christopher Dickey and Eric Pape in Paris)
>
>

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