Turbulent times ahead for European Union

  By Vaiju Naravane
  The Hindu | August 10, 2005
  http://www.hindu.com/2005/08/10/stories/2005081002051000.htm

Uncertainty and a certain paralysis mark the European Union, with
doubts being cast over plans to welcome new members and strengthen
existing internal political ties and institutions.

THE EUROPEAN Union as a political entity is today rudderless and
adrift. The double `No' to Europe's new Constitution by France and The
Netherlands, two of the EU's founder members, has robbed the 25-member
body of its dynamism and sense of purpose. The negative vote has
ushered in uncertainty and introduced a certain paralysis with doubts
being cast over plans to welcome new members and deepen and strengthen
the Union's existing internal political ties and institutions.

Euro-optimists say this is only a passing phase, that earlier EU
treaties have been rejected by the Irish and the Danes and that the
Constitution Treaty, so ignominiously turfed out by the French and the
Dutch, could be "re-submitted" for ratification. There is, however, a
profound difference between the earlier and current situations. The
Constitution Treaty was agreed upon after months of bickering,
compromise, and fine tuning and it would be extremely difficult, some
say impossible, to get a revised text that would accommodate specific
French or Dutch concerns. In France, in any event, the same text
cannot legally be re-introduced since the people have already spoken,
and a new amended document appears more than doubtful.

The Constitution would have meant a decisive step forward in the
process of building a strong supranational political entity with more
powerful European democratic institutions. This dream now lies
shattered, much to the chagrin of leaders committed to the idea of a
United States of Europe that would challenge U.S. hegemony and power.
The defeat of the European Constitution has given rise to an
unprecedented degree of shadenfreud, barely concealed malicious glee,
on the other side of the Transatlantic divide.

Legally speaking, all 25 members have to ratify the Treaty for it to
come into force. From that point of view, the Constitution then is
already a dead document, a fact that EU leaders are finding difficult
to admit. They have bought themselves time and put off the inevitable
by calling for a "pause in the ratification process." Under the
revised agreement, the European Council is expected to review the
situation in the hope of finding a solution if, by October 2006 (two
years after the Treaty's signing), four-fifths of the 25 members have
ratified the document with just one or two states failing to do so.
But it is highly unlikely that the Treaty could be put to a second
vote and in all likelihood, EU leaders will, after a respectable
delay, bow to the inevitable and abandon the document altogether.

This leaves the management and the governance of the EU in the hands
of earlier, unsatisfactory documents, especially the Nice Treaty. One
of the raisons d'etre of the Constitution Treaty was the fact that
managing a club of 25 had become hugely difficult with laws designed
for a restricted body of ten. The rejection of the Constitution means
that the EU will plod along with clearly ill-designed and inadequate
instruments of governance. And although further political integration
so desired by those dreaming of a strong political union is likely to
come to a standstill, the present institutions will continue to
function. The EU shall certainly remain an effective and powerful
common market; but without a coherent foreign or defence policy, it
will again fail to acquire the political clout an entity of its size
and economic weight should ideally wield.

The rejection of the treaty has had far reaching political
consequences raising questions about whether or not the EU will be
able to go ahead with plans to welcome new members. Bulgaria, Romania,
Croatia, Macedonia, and other Balkan laggards have all been made
promises of eventual membership, some firmer than others. The EU would
not like to go back on them for fear of losing influence in the
forever unstable Balkans. But many of these promises will now be
placed on the backburner. The negative vote on the Constitution also
appears to have shot down Turkey's hopes of ever joining the EU, and
although accession talks are scheduled to begin in October this year,
the mood of EU citizens as opposed to their governments appears to be
resolutely against Turkish membership. This opposition has much to do
with the rise of Islamic terrorism in Europe. The `No' vote in the
referenda especially in The Netherlands but also in France was linked
to questions of national identity where Islam was seen as a rising
threat from within and where multi-culturalism found little place.

Fate of the Euro

Another factor of uncertainty is the fate of the Euro. The result of
the two referenda had an immediate negative impact on the common
currency depressing its value against the U.S. dollar and fuelling
speculation that certain countries such as Italy, performing badly
against international competition, or even Germany would wish to pull
out of the Euro zone. This fortunately has not happened but it is
quite likely that France and Italy, their protectionist hackles up,
might try to bar new EU members from acceding to the Euro zone.

One of the most significant victims of the `No' vote has been the
Franco-German axis, long considered to be the locomotive of Europe,
and the influence it wields within the EU. Many in Europe who deplored
Franco-German attempts to dominate the agenda to their own advantage
see this as a positive development, one leading to new leadership
roles and challenges. The referendum has severely affected the
political fortunes of President Jacques Chirac, while German
Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder has suffered a series of electoral
reverses, giving rise to uncertainty about the effectiveness of the
Franco-German combine and its role in the immediate future.

The French rejection of the treaty has turned Mr. Chirac into a lame
duck president with his popularity levels plummeting into the 20s from
a high of 80 per cent-plus during the war on Iraq. It is therefore
unlikely that France will give the go-ahead to any new EU initiative
before the next French presidential election in 2007.

Mr. Schroeder too is in big trouble and likely to lose next
September's legislative poll. The new German Chancellor is widely
expected to be Angela Merkel, a Thatcherite clone from the former East
Germany, who approved of the war on Iraq and has called for closer
transatlantic ties. So some strain in the Franco-German relationship
is to be expected at least until 2007 when the possible election of
Mr. Chirac's ace rival, the maverick right winger Nicolas Sarkozy,
might permit a rapprochement. But at this stage it is impossible to
predict the direction that might take, simply because Mr. Sarkozy
being a populist leader is unlikely to adopt measures unacceptable to
his people.

The majority of the French rejected the Treaty on the grounds that
Europe was moving too quickly towards the "Anglo-Saxon model" of job
flexibility and free market capitalism. It just might prove too risky
for Mr. Sarkozy, given the French penchant for violent protests
(remember 1968 and 1995 when all life in France came to a
standstill?), to join hands with Ms. Merkel and lead France down a
path that would favour pro-market reforms. And again, in Germany,
other surprises could come our way in the guise of Oskar Lafontaine,
the Social Democrat leader who could undermine Ms. Merkel.

Elsewhere in Europe too political instability is in the air. Poland is
expected to swing right later this year with the Law and Justice Party
finding favour among voters in all the polls conducted recently. In
Italy, on the other hand, elections in early 2006 could see Mr.
Berlusconi's fractious right wing coalition being replaced by a
centre-left coalition led by former European Commission chief Romano
Prodi. In this climate of political uncertainty no government is
prepared to propose any new initiatives.

One of the debates launched by the electoral campaigns preceding the
referenda was which socio-economic model would be best for Europe. The
French have insisted that their model ambitiously called the European
social model with generous pension and health care schemes, a high
level of regulatory protection in the workplace, and high professional
taxes would be the best bulwark against the onslaught of globalisation
and the attendant erosion of workers' rights.

British Prime Minister Tony Blair claims the U.K. model with low or
moderate taxes, deregulation, and highly flexible labour markets is
where the future of Europe lies. While the U.K. might be doing
relatively well in purely GDP terms, its performance does not hold up
when examined on the quality of life index. Essential services,
education, and health care remain poor, as does productivity. Most
Europeans remain unconvinced by the U.K. model where a vertiginous
expansion in low-wage employment has been responsible for the faster
growth rate.

These opposing visions of where Europe should go have resulted in
greater rivalry amongst European leaders and a jockeying for
leadership. There has already been a bitter stand off on the EU budget
for 2007-2013 with Mr. Chirac and Mr. Blair exchanging barbs on the
Common Agriculture Policy (which sucks up 40 per cent of the EU budget
and benefits mainly French farmers) versus the British rebate which
means Britain will pay practically nothing to support the ten new EU
entrants requiring development funds. Mr. Blair who currently holds
the rotating EU presidency is likely to try and carve out a leadership
role for himself, something the French are likely to resist. How long
Mr. Blair himself will remain in office is another question, although
his handling of the London bombings appear to have given him a new
lease of life. All in all, tough times ahead for Europe.







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