Venezuela: opposition plays truant

  By Richard Gott
  The Hindu | December 7, 2005
  http://www.hindu.com/2005/12/07/stories/2005120708461100.htm

A tiny ragbag of opposition groups threatens to undermine the
credibility of the parliamentary system.

THE PEOPLE of Venezuela have gone to the polls 11 times in seven
years. Almost a superfluity of democracy, some might think, and signs
of electoral fatigue could be detected in Sunday's elections for the
National Assembly when only 30 per cent of the electorate bothered to
vote. The rest perceived the result as a foregone conclusion since in
earlier elections President Hugo Chavez, or the candidates he backed,
had stacked up substantial majorities. Sunday's poll followed the
trend, and the Chavez list wiped the board.

This time, however, the once vocal opposition was strangely absent.
Four of the small opposition parties decided to withdraw at the last
minute, in a cynical manoeuvre designed to upset the hard-won
stability achieved since the recall referendum in August 2004
(engineered by the opposition to try to secure the President's
resignation). Handsomely won by Mr. Chavez with a margin of 59 to 41,
the referendum was certified as free and fair by observers from the
Organisation of American States (OAS) and the Carter Centre, but some
of the opposition parties refused to accept the result. Their
rejection did little to enhance their authority or popularity and when
they withdrew from Sunday's poll they knew that they faced defeat and
humiliation.

Their action irritated the mission sent by the OAS, which believed it
had negotiated a settlement over opposition complaints about the new
automated voting system. The opposition then turned turtle and
announced its withdrawal. It was not acting alone. In the background,
at private meetings on the island of Aruba in the Dutch Antilles and
in public declarations by Thomas Shannon, the U.S. Secretary of State
for Latin American Affairs, the opposition had been elaborating a
strategy to overthrow Mr. Chavez. Its plan was to make people believe
that "democracy in Venezuela is in grave peril," as Mr. Shannon put it
to a Washington subcommittee two weeks ago.

U.S. backing

It is indeed in peril, threatened by a tiny ragbag of opposition
groups given disproportionate international influence through the
support of the U.S. By their irresponsible electoral abstention, they
hoped to undermine the credibility of the parliamentary system.

The U.S.-backed strategy is to use apparently neutral non-governmental
organisations to tell the world that the elections are not free and
fair, that press freedom is under threat, and that human rights are
not respected. These allegations are then exaggerated and amplified in
Washington.

The complaints are nonsense. The opposition still owns most of the
newspapers and television stations. The judiciary has been
comprehensively reformed after the scandals of the previous decade
when half the judges were found to be corrupt or incompetent.
Elections have been endlessly vetted and human rights have been
extended to the great mass of the people.

Washington continues to perceive the Chavez government, in Mr.
Shannon's words, as "a threat to regional stability." The Americans
dislike his revolutionary rhetoric, his friendship with Fidel Castro,
his outspoken hostility to neo-liberal economics, his decision to buy
weapons from a non-US supplier such as Spain and his support for
radical movements in Latin America, such as the Movement Toward
Socialism of Evo Morales, expected to win the presidential election in
Bolivia later this month. Yet the U.S. has few allies in the continent
today, and the most important countries — Argentina, Brazil, and even
Chile — are enlisted in the Chavez camp. Its alliance with the
discredited Venezuelan opposition will gain it few new friends.

Almost everyone in Venezuela — including Mr. Chavez — recognises that
the government would benefit from an intelligent and constructive
opposition, and some within that opposition were once anxious to
provide the electorate with a choice. Others, now in a majority, look
towards an insurrectionary or violent outcome.

Yet Mr. Chavez is not a dictator as the Americans claim. He is a
democratic revolutionary who has always had a magical capacity to turn
the political mistakes of others to his own advantage. Now with an
overwhelming majority in the new assembly, he will be able to adjust
those clauses in the rapidly drafted, yet generally admirable,
constitution of 1999 that have been found inadequate (including the
one that would prevent him from standing for a third term).

There is every sign that he will win the presidential election next
year and, who knows, the one in December 2012.

The foolish action of the opposition will have been of immense
assistance in that task.

(Richard Gott's Hugo Chavez and the Bolivarian Revolution is published
in paperback by Verso.) 








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