Abolition of slave trade: easy on the euphoria 

Tristram Hunt, The Hindu, March 27, 2006

http://www.hindu.com/2006/03/27/stories/2006032706601100.htm



AS BEFITS the MP for the eastern English port city of Hull, the 
Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, John Prescott, has 
assumed William Wilberforce's mantle and placed himself in charge of 
next year's 200th anniversary of the abolition of the trans-Atlantic 
slave trade in British ships. 

To historians such as Richard Beck, the story of the slave trade is 
a morality play with the British cast as evil knaves. Profits from 
the bloody trade secured the imperial hegemony of Georgian England. 
It was only brought to an end in 1807 because of the move from a 
colonial sugar trade to industrial capitalism. There was nothing 
noble about abolition and the proper response today is a 
comprehensive package of reparations. 

By contrast, Whiggish champions of Britain's imperial past point to 
1807 as symbolic of our "good empire." It was a heroic moment when 
idealism trumped materialism as the Royal Navy scoured the seas for 
illegal slave ships. This is the story of Rule Britannia, William 
Wilberforce and the Society of Friends. Certainly, the slave economy 
underpinned the riches of 18th century society. It also had a 
dominating influence across the British politico-financial 
establishment. Institutional investors in slavery included the 
Hanoverian royal family, numerous colleges of Oxford and Cambridge 
universities, and even the Church of England. 

This needs to be the starting point for any commemoration. As 
Professor James Walvin has commented: "My worry about 2007 is that 
there will be such a euphoria of nationalistic pride that people 
will forget what happened before, which was that the British had 
shipped extraordinary numbers of Africans across the Atlantic." 

And in what conditions. The barbarity of the Middle Passage often 
led to 30 per cent mortality rates among the ten million slaves 
shipped across the Atlantic. They were shackled together and laid 
back to back for weeks on end; suicide and self-mutilation were 
daily occurrences. The response of good, Christian British captains 
was to throw sick slaves overboard — and then claim insurance on the 
lost cargo. 

Despite its barbarity, ending this lucrative trade was an uphill 
struggle. Few today would go so far as to hail it, as one 
contemporary did, as "the most altruistic act since Christ's 
crucifixion," but halting trafficking had serious economic costs. 
Yet the moral certitude of Wilberforce and his evangelical allies 
convinced MPs in the Westminster parliament, many of whom had 
slaving interests, of the ethical case for abolishing "the foul 
iniquity." 

However, this had as much to do with purifying England from the 
taint of slavery as any great humanitarian concern for slaves. There 
was little sense of racial equality, and a new image of the ever-
grateful black subject subsequently developed — seen to greatest 
effect in fine china maker Josiah Wedgwood's cameo of a slave 
kneeling in chains. The inscription read: "Am I not a man and a 
brother?" But few among Wilberforce's Clapham Sect honestly thought 
so. 

This is a complex, nuanced story for curators and councils to 
grapple with. What this must mean in terms of commemoration is a new 
emphasis on the black voice within the abolitionist movement. The 
contribution of such anti-slavery activists as Olaudah Equiano, 
Phillis Wheatley, and Ignatius Sancho in mobilising society needs to 
be appreciated alongside the role of white parliamentarians. 

The commemorations must also extend beyond the port cities. Slavery 
infected the Georgian economy as readily as oil underpins business 
today. 2007 offers a unique opportunity to say something new to a 
broad audience about our imperial and postcolonial past. For much of 
its modern history, Britain has stood at the hub of a series of 
global networks: religious, commercial, political. Much of it has 
been exploitative and racist. But it hasn't all been one way. Ideas, 
people, and cultures have influenced the British metropolis as much 
as the colonies. So, while the unrivalled horror of the slave trade 
should never be diminished, Mr. Prescott could use next year's 
anniversary as much to enlighten 2007 as to commemorate 1807.


(Tristram Hunt is the author of Building Jerusalem: the Rise and 
Fall of the Victorian City.)


— © Guardian Newspapers Limited 2004 










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