A protracted colonial war 

Tariq Ali | The Hindu | July 21, 2006

http://www.hindu.com/2006/07/21/stories/2006072105261100.htm


IN HIS last interview — after the 1967 six-day war — the historian 
Isaac Deutscher, whose next-of-kin had died in the Nazi camps and 
whose surviving relations lived in Israel, said: "To justify or 
condone Israel's wars against the Arabs is to render Israel a very 
bad service indeed and harm its own long-term interest." Comparing 
Israel to Prussia, he issued a sombre warning: "The Germans have 
summed up their own experience in the bitter phrase `Man kann sich 
totseigen!' `You can triumph yourself to death.'" 

In Israel's actions today we can detect many of the elements of 
hubris: an imperial arrogance, a distortion of reality, an awareness 
of its military superiority, the self-righteousness with which it 
wrecks the social infrastructure of weaker states, and a belief in 
its racial superiority. The loss of many civilian lives in Gaza and 
Lebanon matters less than the capture or death of a single Israeli 
soldier. In this, Israeli actions are validated by the U.S. 

The offensive against Gaza is designed to destroy Hamas for daring 
to win an election. The "international community" stood by as Gaza 
suffered collective punishment. Dozens of innocents continue to die. 
This meant nothing to the G8 leaders. Nothing was done. 

Israeli recklessness is always green-lighted by Washington. In this 
case, their interests coincide. They want to isolate and topple the 
Syrian regime by securing Lebanon as an Israeli-American 
protectorate on the Jordanian model. They argue this was the 
original design of the country. Contemporary Lebanon, it is true, 
still remains in large measure the artificial creation of French 
colonialism it was at the outset — a coastal band of Greater Syria 
sliced off from its hinterland by Paris to form a regional client 
dominated by a Maronite minority. The country's confessional 
chequerboard has never allowed an accurate census, for fear of 
revealing that a substantial Muslim — today perhaps even a Shia — 
majority is denied due representation in the political system. 

The killing of Rafik Hariri provoked vast demonstrations by the 
middle class, demanding the expulsion of the Syrians, while western 
organisations arrived to assist the progress of a Cedar Revolution. 
Backed by threats from Washington and Paris, the momentum was 
sufficient to force a Syrian withdrawal and produce a weak 
government in Beirut. 

But Lebanon's factions remained spread-eagled. Hizbollah had not 
disarmed, and Syria has not fallen. Washington had taken a pawn, but 
the castle had still to be captured. I was in Beirut in May, when 
the Israeli army entered and killed two "terrorists" from a 
Palestinian splinter group. The latter responded with rockets. 
Israeli warplanes punished Hizbollah by dropping over 50 bombs on 
its villages and headquarters near the border. The latest Israeli 
offensive is designed to take the castle. Will it succeed? A 
protracted colonial war lies ahead, since Hizbollah, like Hamas, has 
mass support. It cannot be written off as a "terrorist" 
organisation. The Arab world sees its forces as freedom fighters 
resisting colonial occupation. 

There are 9,000 Palestinian political prisoners in Israeli gulags. 
That is why Israeli soldiers are captured. Prisoner exchanges have 
occurred as a result. To blame Syria and Iran for Israel's latest 
offensive is frivolous. Until the question of Palestine is resolved 
and Iraq's occupation ended, there will be no peace in the region. 
A "UN" force to deter Hizbollah, but not Israel, is a nonsensical 
notion. 

Guardian Newspapers Limited 2006 









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