Imperial China, neo-colonial India

C. Raja | The Indian Express | November 04, 2006

http://www.indianexpress.com/story/15944.html


The hat of neo-colonialism will never fall on China." That is a 
standard refrain from Chinese officials these days. Why in the world 
is China, that self-proclaimed champion of the Third World, having 
to defend itself against the accusations of neo-colonialism? 

As the world wakes up to the rapidly rising Chinese economic and 
political profile in Africa — being showcased this week in Beijing 
by the first ever summit of the continent's leaders outside the 
region — the word `neo-colonialism' is increasingly being associated 
with Chinese economic and foreign policies towards the developing 
world. 

Before they celebrate the new discomfiture of China, Indian 
Sinophobes should be aware that similar charges are also levelled 
against India. Beijing is the bigger target than New Delhi for 
Western liberalism, because China has been more aggressive than 
India in pursuing its economic interests in Africa and Latin 
America. 

Western activists argue, not entirely accurately, that the unfolding 
rivalry between China and India is similar to the scramble for 
Africa among rival European colonial powers in the 19th century. 
Irrespective of the analogy, India is certainly competing with China 
for oil and mineral resources in Africa. New Delhi might be way 
behind Beijing; but it is on the same road. 

Last week, Paul Wolfowitz, the president of World Bank, slammed 
Chinese and Indian economic policies towards Africa. Even as he 
quickly retracted at the storm of political reaction from China, 
Wolfowitz underscored the point that Beijing and New Delhi should 
not repeat the mistakes of the US and the West in bank-rolling for 
decades such unsavoury regimes as that of Mobutu Sese-seko in Zaire. 

After decades of seeing themselves as victims of imperialism, China 
and India will find the tag of neo-imperialism and neo-colonialism 
shocking if not distasteful. Yet Beijing and New Delhi must confront 
a new reality. The greater their economic and political capacity to 
influence outcomes elsewhere in the world, the stronger will be 
international scrutiny of their policies. 

Even more important is the need to acknowledge that the foreign 
policies of China and India are undergoing radical change. As high 
growth rates propel China and India, the two Asian giants are being 
compelled to design foreign policies for large economies that no 
longer are self-sufficient. Their rhetoric might be that of the 
Third World, but Chinese and Indian foreign policies might 
increasingly look like those of great powers, especially in the 
defence of the new economic interests way beyond their borders. 

While their foreign policy traditionalists recoil at the charges of 
neo-colonialism, realists in Beijing and New Delhi must come to 
terms with some important factors. One is a historically proven 
trend: existing great powers attack rising powers for not respecting 
the old rules. Although there has been a lot of talk about the 
implications of global balance of power amidst the rise of China and 
India, Africa is perhaps the first place the new reality is being 
manifest. As China and India transform the geopolitical balance in 
Africa and threaten to push Europe and America from their privileged 
positions in the developing world, they are bound to face inevitable 
reaction from the major powers and liberal activists in the West. 

Western liberals criticise China and India for being free riders in 
the international system and taking advantage of the order and 
stability being maintained by other great powers. They want Beijing 
and New Delhi to prove they are stake-holders in the global order 
and work for its maintenance. 

The criticism of China and India is sharpest for supporting the 
government in Sudan, which is facing flak on the human rights front. 
Beijing and New Delhi, with their huge investments in Sudan's oil 
fields, have no desire to sacrifice their energy interests to compel 
Khartoum to change its behaviour. Support from China and India has 
undoubtedly emboldened Sudan to defy the international system. The 
same is true in Burma, where both countries are competing for 
influence. 

To be sure, they are not the only instances where major powers 
have "elevated" interests above a presumed "principle". India can 
always point to the contradictions of US policy towards the military 
rule in Pakistan. But India cannot have it both ways. Of pretending 
injured innocence on the one hand and asserting that other powers do 
the same. 

As its dependence on imported oil and mineral resources expands 
rapidly in the coming years, India, much like China, will be under 
pressure to defend these interests through the time tested means 
employed by great powers. These include large volumes of economic 
assistance, subsidising companies in capturing export markets, 
supporting governments that do business with us, and selling arms to 
such regimes which might use them against their internal and 
regional adversaries. In extremis, hold your breath, this might even 
involve sending troops to preserve order and stability to 
defend "vital" national interests. 

For India the challenge is two-fold. One is to immediately review 
the current policies towards Africa and devise a strategy that 
treats other developing nations as partners in the march towards 
shared prosperity rather than as mere sources of raw materials. The 
other and more difficult task is to shed the old rhetoric that 
pretends India is a weak Third World country and start debating the 
consequences of India's rising power. 

In the coming years, India will have to deal with new foreign policy 
burdens and more complex trade-offs between competing interests. In 
finding that difficult balance it cannot just dump its core 
democratic values. While the urge to compete with China is immense 
and might be integral to the Indian strategic calculus, a democratic 
India will need a different approach to economic engagement with 
Africa and the developing world. 

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