A sorry tale of Saudi King's U.K. visit 

Hasan Suroor | The Hindu | 12 November 2007

http://www.hindu.com/2007/11/12/stories/2007111253881001.htm


It should have been — and was indeed billed as — a landmark visit. A 
Saudi monarch was paying a state visit to Britain after 20 years, a 
period of profound change in the west's relations with the Arab 
world in general, and with Saudi Arabia in particular, in the wake 
of the 9/11 attacks — not to mention the impressive growth in 
Britain's own relations with Riyadh, especially in trade.

In the event, however, King Abdullah's four-day visit descended very 
nearly into a farce thanks to some breathtaking tactlessness on both 
sides. First, the King infuriated his hosts when, in a pre-visit 
interview to the BBC, he accused Britain of not doing enough to 
fight terror and, more seriously, laid the blame for the London 
bombings of July 7, 2005 on British security services claiming that 
they failed to act on Saudi intelligence.

"We … sent information to Great Britain before the terrorist attacks 
in Britain but unfortunately no action was taken. And it may have 
been able to maybe avert the tragedy," he said.

The King's remarks provoked a furious response from the Foreign 
Office and intelligence services. On tackling terrorism, the British 
line, fed to the media by unnamed sources, was that they would not 
take "lectures" on terrorism from a country whose own hands were 
soiled, given its record of "exporting" a potentially violent brand 
of Islam. As for 7/7 intelligence, angry officials accused the 
Saudis of continuing to harp on a claim that, they argued, had 
already been investigated and found to be without substance. A 
parliamentary committee, which investigated the information, found 
that there was no evidence of any specific Saudi intelligence in the 
run-up to the July 7 bombings.

In an unusual move, the MI5 put out a statement on its website 
rejecting the King's allegation. "The Saudis provided information 
about possible planning for an attack in the U.K. which was 
materially different from the attacks that took place in London on 
July 7 [2005]," it said.

All this on "Day Zero" of the visit while the King's plane was still 
circling over London. So, when he landed at Heathrow, with a 400-
strong entourage in five jumbo jets, the mood in London was already 
sour with screaming headlines about the King's "gaffe," and calls 
for a boycott of the visit over his government's human rights 
record. The acting Liberal Democrat leader, Vince Cable, led the 
boycott declaring that it was "quite wrong that as a country we 
should give the leader of Saudi Arabia this honour."

"A royal guest to be proud of?" asked The Independent in a front-
page article denouncing King Abdullah's regime as one of the "most 
brutal in the world." A day later, a furious Robert Fisk, the 
paper's internationally respected West Asia correspondent, 
questioned King Abdullah's moral right to "lecture us on 
terrorism." "For King Abdullah to tell the world … that Britain is 
not doing enough to counter terrorism, and that most countries are 
not taking it seriously as his country is, is really pushing it. 
Weren't most of the 11 September 2001 hijackers from, er, Saudi 
Arabia? Is this the land that is really going to teach us lessons?" 
he thundered.

The Guardian, which has been leading a campaign over allegations of 
corruption in arms deals with Saudi Arabia, had a photograph of the 
King and his delegation, stepping down from the plane, under the 
headline: "Welcome to Britain. But don't mention bribery and 
corruption. This is business." The caption helpfully pointed out 
that Prince Bandar bin Sultan, a former Saudi ambassador to 
Washington, who was alleged to have been paid up to £one billion by 
BAE Systems to win an arms deal, was a member of the King's 
delegation. And in case anyone missed him, he was "third from top on 
right."

The New Statesman acknowledged that the British line over the 
Saudis' 7/7 intelligence claims had "shifted" since Riyadh first 
raised the issue after the London attacks, but still thought that 
for the King to return to the subject was a "piece of spectacular 
diplomatic discourtesy." 

One can argue that the King deserved the headlines he got over his 
undiplomatic jibe but whatever happened to the famous British 
diplomacy? Foreign Secretary David Miliband's decision to pull out 
of a conference on British-Saudi relations on the very first day of 
the visit, inevitably, sent out all sorts of wrong signals and, in 
retaliation, the Saudis downgraded their own representation at the 
conference. Mr. Miliband was away in America to adopt a baby, and 
instead of returning home in time for the visit he chose to stay 
back, leaving it to a junior minister to deputise for him. In Saudi 
circles his absence was interpreted as a snub, and even those who 
have no love lost for the Saudis were outraged by what they regarded 
as Mr. Miliband's poor judgment on this occasion. 

More than anybody else, the British understand the importance of 
gestures in diplomacy and as The Times — no fan of the Saudis, mind 
you — noted it was in bad form for the Foreign Secretary (the public 
face of British diplomacy) to "withdraw from a state occasion at 
very short notice." In fact, the whole visit had been treated as 
though Saudi Arabia were "an unpleasant and embarrassing regime from 
which Britain is emphatically eager to distance itself," it said in 
a strongly-worded editorial. 

Meanwhile, the Saudis faced more embarrassment when a Conservative 
Party think-tank, Policy Exchange, chose the visit to release a 
report accusing organisations with links to the Saudi government of 
distributing extremist literature in Britain. The report titled The 
Hijacking of British Islam claimed that books and DVDs preaching 
hatred against non-Muslims and supporting violence against non-
believers were being sold in Britain's leading Muslim centres and 
mosques, including the London's Central Mosque which receives funds 
from the Saudi government. Its director, Ahmad al-Dubayan, a Saudi 
diplomat, was reportedly among those who welcomed King Abdullah on 
his arrival.

The idea that Britain should be "honouring" a leader whose 
government was engaged in radicalising British Muslim youth provoked 
angry comment from across the political spectrum. London's Mayor, 
Ken Livingstone, hit out at the Saudi Royal family calling it 
the "principal funder for the Wahabi sect which is the most 
intolerant strain of modern Islam." Tory leader David Cameron 
reportedly "confronted" the King on the issue when he met him and 
there was pressure on Prime Minister Gordon Brown to tell the King 
that this was unacceptable behaviour. 

Saving grace 


In a palpably charged atmosphere, it was left, ironically, to that 
most derided of British institutions — the monarchy — to save the 
visit from turning into a total disaster. The Queen rolled out the 
red carpet for King Abdullah and the reception given to him at the 
Buckingham Palace was indeed fit for a king. Although he does not 
speak English and the Queen knows no Arabic, it was clear that the 
King felt more at home with the British royal family (in a rare 
gesture, Prince Charles personally went to the airport to receive 
him) than in the company of her less exalted subjects.

When the King went to meet Prime Minister Gordon Brown you could 
tell he was uncomfortable, as he stood outside No. 10 Downing Street 
with the Prime Minister to pose for photographers. But apparently 
their meeting went off rather well as Mr. Brown went out of his way 
to avoid raising awkward issues, choosing instead to tell the King 
what he wanted to hear: the importance of Saudi Arabia's role in 
pushing forward the stalled Palestinian peace process. He urged the 
King to play a "leadership" role at the proposed U.S.-sponsored 
Palestinian peace conference in Annapolis, Maryland. The King 
listened with interest but left him guessing about his government's 
intentions. Riyadh is reluctant to attend the conference, insisting 
that for it to succeed Israel must first take concrete confidence-
building measures including the release of Palestinian prisoners and 
an end to further construction of Jewish settlements on Palestinian 
territory. 

Coming back to the visit, both sides need to reflect how they came 
so close to wrecking it. After all, Saudi Arabia is the most 
lucrative market for British arms and "civilian" exports in West 
Asia. Last year alone, it bought £4.5 billion ($9 billion) worth of 
goods and services, and London can hardly afford to displease the 
King. Saudis, on the other hand, see in Britain a friendly arms 
supplier who would go to any length to please its client and protect 
its interests, as we saw when former Prime Minister Tony Blair 
personally intervened to call off a corruption investigation into a 
BAE–Saudi deal after protests from Riyadh.

So, how did the royal visit go so horribly wrong? 



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