Iran the Indispensable?

Marco Vicenzino* | Foreign Policy Association | May 2007

http://www.fpa.org/topics_info2414/topics_info_show.htm?doc_id=481118


Iran's ability to shape the course of events in Iraq, the broader
Middle East and beyond, and particularly its ability to impact world
energy markets, and consequently global commerce and security, has
made it a dominant regional power broker with significant
international influence and a force to be reckoned with in the 21st
century.


Even in Central Asia, Iran is conveniently positioned geographically
to serve as a conduit for the region's energy supplies through the
Persian Gulf . Its shared border with Afghanistan, inevitably make
Iran a central actor in the war-torn nation's future. Furthermore,
the proposed energy pipeline from Iran to Pakistan and India and
China's growing dependence on Iranian oil highlight Iran's
increasing importance beyond the Middle East.


Iran's "last-minute decision" to participate in the international
conference on Iraq's future at the Egyptian resort of Sharm-el-Sheik
should have come as absolutely no surprise. The pretext for its
initial refusal to attend was the detention of five Iranians by US
authorities in Iraq. This amounted to posturing and an attempt to
increase its leverage at the meeting. In simple terms, it was trying
to play "hard to get". It is obvious, that progress at Sharm el
Sheik, and the broader region, would not be possible without Iranian
participation, thus elevating it to the status of indispensable
player. Accordingly, Iran cannot afford not to be present at the
conference. Its absence would damage its credibility in its
increasingly growing role, risking increased diplomatic isolation
and being branded as "irresponsible indispensable player". Some in
the Middle East and many in the West already hold this to be true.


In the ongoing competition of diplomatic brinkmanship in recent
years between Iran and the WestIran has largely played an astute
game, as demonstrated by the recent detention of 15 British sailors.
Its ability to take situations to the limit and then show its
pragmatic side has yielded diplomatic dividends. However, mounting
international pressure over the nuclear issue in the past year,
coupled with the approval of UN sanctions, have contributed to
increased uncertainty, despite Iran's bold rhetoric and public
display of defiance.


Iran's increasing confidence as a dominant regional player and
inevitable rise as a 21st century regional power entails the
assumption of greater responsibilities. Its survival in an
increasingly interdependent world of globalization requires it to
play a more cautious and prudent game of brinksmanship. Iran must
increasingly calibrate itself and strike a balance between the
extent to which its interests are attainable and not overplaying its
hand. Failure to do so may result in disastrous consequences.


In order to sustain long-term growth and efficiency of its national
lifeline, the energy sector, Iran is dependent upon international
investment. Its credibility as a globally reliable energy supplier
remains essential to its existence. Uncertainty can lead to severe,
and potentially irreversible, damage


The unpredictable security situation in Iraq requires Iran's
participation for broader regional stability but also for its own
domestic national security. Iran will not remain immune from the
effects of a potential spillover of the Iraq conflict. Iran has a
direct vested interest in containing and abating the violence and
contributing to a stable environment that will allow Iraq's elected
government to focus on reconstruction.

Iraq's future will inevitably be dominated by its Shiite majority
and the form, composition and policies of any future Iraqi
government will not escape Iranian influence. Although Iran will
prefer a central government capable of providing basic domestic
order, it will also favor one that is pliant, vulnerable and
ultimately dependent upon its hegemony.


There is little doubt that Iran provides support for elements and
factions of Iraq's fragmented insurgency but to what extent stirs
greater debate. The U.S. decision to engage Iran within a
multilateral context at the Sharm-el-Sheik conference on the future
of Iraq's security does not constitute a major re-think in U.S.
policy in Iraq or the broader Middle East. It is a reactive response
to events on the ground and muddling through different policy
alternatives since the invasion. It is currently pursuing the
present course out of necessity since it appears to be the only
reasonable alternative to other options, which thus far have failed
to yield the necessary dividends in Iraq.


The U.S. has made clear, at least on the surface, that it will de-
link Iran's nuclear issue from the security situation in Iraq,
particularly at the Sharm-el-Sheik meeting, where Iraq is intended
to be the sole focus. America's gradualist multilateral approach
with members of the United Nations Security Council plus Germany has
slowly produced some results, including sanctions. However, many in
U.S. foreign policy circles remain far from satisfied.


Internal Dynamics of Iranian Regime

Some may attribute Iran's foreign affairs decision-making to a
policy of constructive ambiguity, that is, a good cop/bad cop
approach, led by a wily and calculated Supreme Leader and a
mercurial and enigmatic president whose occasional diplomatic
outbursts and esoteric statements leaves many international policy-
makers and analysts perplexed and often struggling for an answer to
Iran's real intentions.


A more pragmatic view of Iran's foreign-policy making may point to
the intricacies of a dynamic power struggle taking place within the
upper and inner circles of Iran's political establishment,
particularly within the diplomatic and national security realms.


There is no doubt that the President Ahmadi-nejad has shaken up the
regime's political establishment, which has dominated public life
since the triumph of the Iranian revolution in 1979, but there must
be even less doubt as to who is Islamic Republic's ultimate decision-
maker, Grand Ayatollah Khamenei. Over the past year, Khamenei has
devised means, such as the creation of "advisory" structures and
elevating conservative pragmatists to positions of influence to curb
the President's influence. Many in the traditional revolutionary
power elite, who have dominated Iran for the past quarter century,
have been wary of the president's growing influence in both domestic
and foreign policy. He is regarded as a threat to their vested
interests.


Much of the president's appeal is as a straight-talker, an ordinary
and modest man of humble origins who speaks his mind, whether on
domestic corruption in Iran or launching a tirade against the West,
particularly the U.S. and Israel. Such rhetoric has appeal not only
in the streets of the Muslim world but throughout many quarters of
the developing world, particularly by the president's ability to
portray Iran as the small David up against the American Goliath



Change in Iran

The recurrent question in Western, and particularly U.S., foreign
policy circles concerns when and how "change" will occur in Iran. It
is more than likely to occur within the context of a generational
shift in power. With over two-thirds of the population under the age
of 30, eventual "change" appears inevitable but is likely to take
longer than many in Iran, and most in the West, may hope for.
Furthermore, the notion of "change" in itself will be the subject of
considerably intense debate as it will mean different things to
different people. Fundamental concepts, such as secularism and the
relation between the state and religion, will continue to dominate
political debate in Iran. The influence of more than a quarter
century of clerical rule is unlikely to be eradicated overnight. Any
attempt to do so forcibly may trigger a fierce reaction.


Furthermore, the complex and diverse ethnic mosaic of the Iranian
nation will also play a key role in shaping the course of change.
With a population of 80 million, Iran has a fifty percent Farsi-
speaking Persian majority, while the other fifty percent is composed
of ethnic minorities including Azeris, Baluchis, and Arabs. The
status of relations between the government and certain minorities
remain far from ideal, often resulting in outbreaks of unrest, which
will undoubtedly impact future developments.


Ultimately, the extent to which the principles of the Iranian
Revolution have become part of the social fabric of Iranian society,
and the degree to which they have trickled down through its ranks,
will play a determining role in the eventual outcome of when, and
if, transformation takes place in Iran.


*Marco Vicenzino is the founder and Executive Director of the Global
Strategy Project and served as Deputy Executive Director of the
International Institute for Strategic Studies-US (IISS-US) in
Washington DC. He is a graduate of Oxford University and Georgetown
University Law Center and has taught International Law at the School
of International Service of American University. He has provided
commentary on BBC World, CNN International, CNN Spanish, Fox News
and Al Jazeera and is a regular guest speaker at conferences around
the world. He can be contacted at [EMAIL PROTECTED]


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