Masters in illiberal arts

Shekhar Gupta | Indian Express | August 22, 2009 
 
 
Mumbai's life is at a risk !Raw visa dealBandh Culture In BengalRacism Alive 
and Well in US  Amid all the noise made over Jaswant Singh's book and his 
expulsion one statement stands out. It came from Arun Jaitley, the first to be 
fielded to defend the expulsion. One of the more serious charges against 
Jaswant Singh, he said, was that he went against the "national consensus" on 
Sardar Patel. Now, can there ever be a national consensus on a figure, an 
aspect, or any chapter of history? You can have national consensus on a policy, 
an idea for the future, on high principles of nation-building, 
constitutionalism and so on. But a consensus on history? If history were to be 
assessed and analysed through national consensus we would make a very poor 
democracy. It is regimes like Kim Il-Sung's that believe in the idea of 
official history, officially mandated views on society, politics and 
philosophy. The sad truth, however, is that at least in this one area we in 
India are not much better than the more classic authoritarian societies. Except 
that instead of one personality cult, we have many, reflecting our diversity. 
But in essence it amounts to the same closing of the Indian mind when it comes 
to our past. 

The BJP in 2009 mandates that you cannot hold a view on Jinnah and Patel that 
is at variance with its own "corporate" view. The Shiv Sena would ban anything 
that does not look like a hagiography entirely adhering to its own version of 
the "national consensus" on Shivaji. Any deviation, in fact, even before a ban, 
may expose you to vandalism and arson. In Bengal you would still risk your neck 
if you used an expression like "late" Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose. The study of 
Sikh history brings its own challenge since it is so integral to the evolution 
of the faith. Nobody can say one critical thing even about Mahatma Gandhi and 
go unpunished. Arun Shourie had muck thrown at him (literally) for questioning 
Ambedkar. Nikki Bedi may have gone too far in the expression she used on her 
show on Star more than a decade ago, but did it really justify the filing of 
criminal cases against Rupert Murdoch? 


Now, that is an interesting example. Check the track record of the top 50 
democracies around the world. How many of these in the past would have done 
such a thing (or are likely to in the future). You can say what you want about 
the Queen or her ancestors in Britain, you can say whatever about George 
Washington and John F. Kennedy, de Gaulle or Churchill. But how come the great 
Indian intellectual machine has not been able to produce a single book, if not 
raising questions, at least generating an honest debate over Gandhi? Which 
Indian commentator even today would have the courage to argue that many of 
Gandhi's policies were perhaps not good for India as it became independent, and 
are totally irrelevant? Every year on Gandhi Jayanti we pay tributes to him and 
then do exactly the opposite of all he stood for, for the rest of the year. But 
even a few unflattering references, or maybe just rumoured to be unflattering 
like those in the Lapierre-Collins' Freedom at Midnight, or Stanley Wolpert's 
Nine Hours to Rama, and we go radioactive. 


That is the reason why the poorest entry on our CV as a great democracy of 62 
years is in contemporary history writing. The Nehru-Gandhi family has led us 
for most of these years, directly or indirectly, and yet there isn't a single 
book on one of the greatest democratic dynasties of all times that would do 
justice to them, our intellect, or to the great Indian tradition of debate. 
Richard Attenborough said, famously, that when he first talked of making the 
film Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru implored him to tell an honest, fair story, 
"warts and all". But can anybody, an academic, a journalist or even a filmmaker 
(forget a "Jaswant Singh" from the Congress) write a genuine biography of 
Nehru, Indira or Rajiv "warts and all"? The Congress is understandably thrilled 
at the BJP shooting itself in the foot. But what does it say for the ruling 
party's own intellect or liberalism when its own Gujarat unit has supported the 
ban? In fact we Indians are most undeserving inheritors of the liberal 
Gandhi-Nehru tradition as we ban more books, plays and art exhibitions than any 
other real democracy. Nobody is innocent here, nobody holier than thou and so 
nobody has any right to lecture others, whether BJP, Congress or the Left. 
Amartya Sen, in fact, flatters us by making us famous around the world as 
argumentative Indians. 


History is just its starkest example of this total politicisation of our study 
of the liberal arts. It is because our politics has been so rooted in the 
bitter past (although now there is a chance that we may be moving from that 
politics of grievance to a politics of aspiration) that history has become our 
most contentious social science and professional historians our most 
ideologically polarised academics. There is a Congress version of history set 
against a saffron version, with a distinct Left stream. But because we have 
been mostly ruled by a "pinko" Congress we have been indoctrinated with a 
Leftist Congress view of history. Anything else, as the BJP now describes 
Jaswant's views on Patel, is sacrilege. What kind of history can you write, 
what kind of debate can you have on these brilliantly fascinating figures from 
your history if you start out by either deifying or demonising them? That is 
why any worthwhile writing or debate on contemporary Indian history usually 
takes place overseas. Most of the good research is done by foreigners, or 
Indians safely based at foreign institutions. 


Our study of the liberal arts, overall, has got trapped in a vicious cycle. 
Because we do not tolerate healthy, robust, open debate, we do not produce 
better scholarship. Because we do not produce better scholarship, we cannot 
have better debate. Despite such a disastrous mess in our higher education, we 
have institutions providing degrees in engineering, management and medicine 
that will be respected around the world. But for a great liberal arts degree 
you must go to Harvard, Columbia, Wisconsin, Berkeley, Oxford, Cambridge, LSE, 
SOAS. This remarkable intolerance of debate and illiberalism has kept our study 
of the liberal arts and social sciences in the stone age, greatly undermining 
our strength as a democracy and creating shortages in intellectual capital that 
may not be so evident at once, but are fatal. If we fret over the fact that we 
produce too few engineers and doctors, think about what a shortage we are 
creating of historians, sociologists, philosophers, even, and perhaps most 
striking of all, economists? Can any democracy survive without them? 


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