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Sri Lankan media is facing new threats to its freedom
By Ameen Izzadeen

27 June 2006




FREEDOM comes with responsibility. However, we tend to believe that
freedom is absolute. Didn't French political thinker Rousseau say that
man was born free and everywhere he was in fetters? But we, though
born free, agree that freedom needs to be curtailed for the greater
good of the greater people.


But the contention is as to what degree freedom should be curtailed.
In a society where repression is a political reality and a tool, the
struggle for freedom is a continuous battle. In Sri Lanka, there is
neither absolute repression nor absolute freedom. However, our
struggle for freedom gets activated when the state attempts to move
towards repression.

In a country that is embroiled in a separatist war for the past
quarter of a century, measures aimed at curtailing freedom are quite
expected. But the state should be justified in taking such measures.
It cannot take cover behind national security to legitimise every
repressive measure it takes to curb our freedom and hide its shame.

So we are concerned today about a government decision to reactivate
the Press Council that has the judicial power to penalise journalists.
This council lapsed into a deafening silence after some bold media
reforms were introduced in 2002 by the government of Ranil
Wickremesinghe and the private media introduced a non-statutory Press
Complaints Commission.

Many media and civil society activists see the government move as
regressive. The 2002 media reforms saw the criminal defamation law
entrenched in the Penal Code and the Press Council Law being
abolished. This draconian piece of legislation had been resorted to by
the past governments to punish journalists. Although criminal
defamation has been done away with, there are several other laws that
threaten freedom of expression in Sri Lanka.

Two years ago, an opposition frontline member was sent to jail for
expressing his views fearlessly on an impending judgment in a
politically important case. Another rights activist who raised his
voice in court was also sent to jail for contempt of court. The fact
that none had, in the past 50 years or so, been punished for contempt
of court in most democracies including Britain, which introduced this
concept to our judicial system, was lost on some of our judicial
officers who resist the transformation of the judiciary into a
progressive mechanism that strengthens freedom and democracy.

There is also the Parliamentary Powers and Privileges Act, which,
before it was amended in mid-1990s, gave judicial powers to parliament
to try and punish journalists. Harsh criticism from local media groups
and the international community compelled the then government to amend
this law which made a mockery of the constitutional principle of
separation of powers. The government can also muzzle the media by
imposing censorship and other restrictions under emergency
regulations.

If the Press Council is reactivated, newspapers or journalists
publishing or reporting Cabinet decisions, Cabinet documents, certain
defence, security or fiscal measures, could be hauled before the
council manned by political appointees with little judicial experience
but more political loyalty. It is in effect the imposition of
permanent censorship on the media. The government's decision smacks of
political vindictiveness. The Free Media Movement describes the move
as a "step backward" while the New York-based Committee to Protect
Journalists urged the government not to go ahead and reinstate what it
calls "a politically appointed" Press Council that is empowered to
punish the media. "At a moment when violence between security forces
and the LTTE is intensifying, it is crucial that the Sri Lankan press
be free to cover all sides of the conflict without official
restraint," CPJ Executive Director Ann Cooper said.

What is the need for the government to take such a regressive step?

In Sri Lanka's political tradition, a government is given a six-month
honeymoon period, during which the people tolerate the omissions and
failures of the new government and treat them as teething problems.
The Mahinda Rajapaksa government has just completed six months and
newspapers are carrying exposés about corrupt deals involving
government bigwigs. One such exposé was a multi-million dollar urea
deal, which some top government officials are alleged to have approved
in a record time of six hours over the phone, violating tender
procedures.

In defence of its move, the government might say the non-statutory
Press Complaints Commission was not effective and therefore it was
necessary to reactivate the Press Council whose rulings are binding.

The Press Complaints Commission, modelled on its counterpart in
Britain, is still a nascent body. It is not without its flaws. For
instance, a friend of mine told me that the PCC could not provide
redress he sought in a complaint against a newspaper, which refused to
correct an erroneous report that described Jerusalem as the capital of
Israel. The PCC said since the complainant was not directly affected
by the report, it could not entertain the complaint. But the
complainant, a supporter of the Palestinian rights, told me that the
report had caused immense mental pain to him and this was lost on the
PCC inquiry panel.

However, many media activists are optimistic that with time and
experience, the PCC will emerge as a strong alternative to the
government-controlled Press Council.  They also say that to defeat
government's move to revive the Press Council, the media should
exercise greater responsibility and fully submit it to a process of
self-regulation in the greater interest of the freedom of expression
and the people's right to know.

Ameen Izzadeen is a Sri Lankan journalist based in Colombo





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