News and Update...

Today we have two essays, at the conclusion of this message, an analytic one by the 
ZNet Commentator and Australian journalist Scott Burchill and a satiric one by the 
noted Brazilian novelist Paulo Coelho.

Updating on ZNet is at a very heavy pace...with many new articles each day, and 
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The effort to promote the book Parecopn: Life After Capitalism using our Free Update 
mailing system was quite interesting. The first update message promoting it was an 
in-depth communication with descriptive acccounts, etc. It yielded a huge response in 
sales online, moving the title from about 2.5 millionth to about 60th on the Amazon 
sales list. Two subsequent reports each also yielded a notable response, lifting the 
title first to 20th then to number 13. This showing in turn yielded considerable 
media, bookstore, and translation response. The absense of messages since has in 
contrast yielded a dramatic quieting of sales -- with the title dropping back to 
1300th or so.

The lesson about the efficacy of communications for bringing book possibilities to 
people's attention, for getting an option into people's awareness as something 
possibly worth doing, seems pretty clear. And this is why we will be using the Update 
system periodically to provide more information than in the past about books by ZNet 

For those who haven't looked yet, the Parecon Book page is at 
http://www.zmag.org/ParEcon/pelac.htm The book is about an alternative economic model 
advocated in place of capitalism. Participatory economics is the economic goal favored 
by Z projects. It emphasizes solidarity, equity, diversity, and self management. It 
utilizes new institutions including worker and consumer councils, self-management 
decision making methods and norms, remuneration for effort and sacrifice, balanced job 
complexes, and participatory planning. It rejects private ownership of means of 
production, remuneration for power and property, corporate divisions of labor, class 
division and rule, and market or authoritarian allocation. 

For those interested in past books that have been promoted in ZNet Update mailings, 
which you might perhaps have missed, please go to http://www.zmag.org/bookwatch.htm. 
There you will find book links and author interviews for recent works by 

Michael Albert
Interview: Trajectory of Change
Interview:  Parecon
Anthony Arnove
Iraq Under Siege
Terrorism and War, Interviews with Zinn
The Struggle for Palestine 
Interview:  Iraq Under Siege
Ben Bagdikian
The Media Monopoly
Double Vision: Reflections 

Phyllis Bennis
Before and After  9/11 

William Blum 
"West-Bloc Dissident: A Cold War Memoir" 

Patrick Bond
Zimbabwe's Plunge
Unsustainable South Africa:
Fanon's Warning

David Cromwell
Interview:  Private Planet
Barbara Garson
Interview:  Money Makes the World Go Round
Dan Georgakas
The Cineaste Reviews

Robin Hahnel
Interview:  ABCs of Political Economy

Elizabeth Hartman
The Truth About Fire
Policing the National Body
Interview:  The Truth About Fire
Robert Jensen
Writing Dissent
Interview:  Writing Dissent

Naomi Klein
Fences and Windows
No Logo
Robert McChesney
Interview:  Our Media, Not Theirs
Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz
Outlaw Woman

Vijay Prashad
Interview:  Fat Cats and Running Dogs
Milan Rai
Interview: War Plan Iraq
Tanya Reinhart

Marta Russell
Beyond Ramps
Danny Schechter
Media Wars - News At ATime of Terror

Stephen R. Shalom
Interview:  Which Side Are You On?

Norman Solomon
Interview: Target Iraq
Paul Street
The Vicious Circle
Howard Zinn
Justice in Everyday Life



Governments versus Peoples
Scott Burchill

Having failed to produce or fabricate an Iraq-Al Qaeda connection, and in the absence 
of any WMD actually being found by UNMOVIC's inspectors, Anglo-Saxon war-enthusiasts 
have revived their earlier tactic of demonising Saddam Hussein in an increasingly 
desperate search for a pretext which will engender war fever amongst the citizenry.

Last week British PM Tony Blair claimed that at the basis of his "moral case" against 
the Beast of Baghdad was Saddam's "barbarous and detestable" human rights record, an 
"appalling situation [which] will continue" unless he is removed from power (The Age, 
21 Feb 03). Joining the chorus, John Howard (Australian PM) and Alexander Downer 
(Australian Foreign Minister) expressed astonishment that others weren't equally 
mortified by Saddam's horrifying treatment of both his neighbours and his own people.

One reason why so few Australians are following Washington's script is that unlike 
George, Tony, John and Alex, they haven't just discovered Saddam's brutality. A number 
of people who marched two weekends ago expressed their concerns back in the late 1980s 
when the Iraqi leader was at the peak of his crimes - gassing Iranian child soldiers 
and defenceless Kurdish villagers. Unsurprisingly, within the corridors of power at 
the time, their protests fell on deaf ears. It's easy, therefore, to imagine their 
anger at the calumny of those who, previously silent, are now lecturing them about the 
evils of Saddam's regime.

At the heart of the West's credibility on this issue is its response at the time these 
atrocities took place. What forms did outrage in Washington, London and Canberra take 
after Saddam killed 5000 Kurds in the town of Halabja on 17 March 1988? What steps did 
governments in these capitals take to bring him to account for his wicked crimes? The 
answers to these questions will tell us how seriously we should accept the arguments 
that are currently being mounted for war.

Washington was so offended by Saddam's behaviour in the 1980s that it backed him in 
Baghdad's war against Iran. Presidents Reagan and Bush Sr supplied the Iraqi leader 
with intelligence, satellite imagery, arms and billions of dollars in loans. Two 
decades later, Saddam's attack on Persia - about which at the time Washington was 
officially "neutral" - is being invoked by many of the same people as a reason for his 

More ominously, according to the report of a 1994 US Senate Banking Committee, the 
"United States provided the government of Iraq with 'dual-use' licensed materials 
which assisted in the development of Iraqi chemical, biological and missile-system 
programs." According to the report, this assistance included "chemical warfare-agent 
precursors; chemical warfare-agent production facility plans and technical drawings; 
chemical warfare-filling equipment; biological warfare-related materials; missile 
fabrication equipment and missile system guidance equipment." These technologies were 
sent to Iraq until December 1989, 20 months after the gassing of Halabja.

In February 1989, John Kelly, US Assistant Secretary of State, flew to Baghdad to tell 
Saddam Hussein that "you are a source for moderation in the region, and the United 
States wants to broaden her relationship with Iraq." This was eleven months after 

Now that's outrage.

In the UK, as journalist Mark Thomas notes, the conspicuous aspect of British Labour's 
attitude to Iraq has been the failure of Blair, Straw, Prescott, Blunkett, Cook or 
Hoon to register any concerns about Iraq's human rights record whenever the 
opportunity arose in the British Parliament during the 1980s and 1990s - and there 
were plenty of them (New Statesman, 9 Dec 02). No complaints or protests from these 
people were recorded.

Not a "moral case" in sight.

In Australia there is no evidence of either Mr Howard or Mr Downer ever raising any 
concerns about Saddam Hussein at the peak of his crimes in the late 1980s when he was 
using the chemical weapons they now find so personally abhorrent unless they are in 
the hands of friends. It's not as if they could plead ignorance - at least in this 
case. A cursory glance of Amnesty International or Human Rights Watch reports for this 
period would have given them many opportunities to display their moral righteousness. 
None were taken. 
So the Anglo-Saxons shouldn't feel bewildered by the public's failure to accept their 
arguments. It's because they have no credibility whatsoever on this question. When 
Prime Minister Howard claims that peace marchers "give comfort to Saddam Hussein," he 
is not just defaming thousands who walked in solidarity with the people of Iraq, he is 
conveniently forgetting who actually gave the dictator considerably more than comfort 
only a few years ago so that he could accomplish his gruesome deeds (The Age, 20 Feb 

The Australian, which is championing the pro-war case in the local press, might also 
care to reflect on why it thought the most regrettable aspect about Iraq's use of 
chemical weapons at Halabja was that it had "given Teheran a propaganda coup and may 
have destroyed Western hopes of achieving an embargo through quiet diplomacy" (The 
Australian, 22 Mar 88). In other words, the crime was giving comfort to the enemy in 
Iran rather than the murder of 5,000 innocent people. The newspaper might also explain 
why less than a week after the attack, it defended Saddam by quoting "senior military 
analysts in Israel" who claimed that Iraq's use of nerve agents and chemical weapons 
was "only against targets inside Iraq and only when important strategic positions, 
such as the city of Basra, were threatened" (The Australian, 8 Apr 88). Well that's OK 

Supplementary arguments for war proposed by those who were untroubled by Saddam's 
behaviour in the 1980s, appear like new verses of Onward Christian Soldiers. They are 
revealing for what they omit.

We are told that only the threat of force got weapons inspectors back into Iraq. We 
are not told why the threat won't actually disarm him, why the threat of force failed 
in December 1998, or that under Chapter 1, Article 2 of the UN Charter all member 
states "shall refrainŠ.from the threat or use of force against the territorial 
integrity or political independence of any state."

The Prime Minister claims that existing UN SC resolutions already authorise the use of 
force against Iraq, even though virtually every credible international lawyer 
disagrees and the Howard Government refuses to table its own legal advice on this 

We are informed that the very future of the UN is at stake if it doesn't do the 
bidding of a few Western states, but not why its credibility wasn't in question when 
the organisation betrayed the people of West Papua in 1969, Bosnia in 1993, Rwanda in 
1994, East Timor in 1999, Palestine continuously since 1948, etc, etc,. Why is the 
enforcement of SC resolutions against Iraq a condition of the UN's ongoing credibility 
but not when longer standing resolutions against Israel and Turkey are defied without 
any implications for the UN?

[Incidentally, West Papua is currently a locus of state-sponsored terrorism, though 
despite its close proximity to Australia this fact elicits no concern in Canberra 
beyond a regular pledge of support for Jakarta's sovereign brutality and exploitation 
of the territory]

We have been told by Mr Downer and Mr Howard why international law and the authority 
of the UN must be respected by Iraq. At the same time, the Australian Government has 
indicated that it is prepared to disregard a SC veto by one of the Permanent Five if 
it regards the vote as "capricious" - meaning it doesn't like the result. 
Unsurprisingly, there are no legal precedents for such contempt for the rule of law - 
which is a qualifying clause for rogue states.

PM Howard has said that only legally authorised states should possess nuclear weapons, 
but won't outline the international agreements which permit Pakistan, India and Israel 
to keep their nuclear stockpiles. Or in the absence of such agreements, the steps he 
is taking to disarm them.

Mr Howard has asked why protesters haven't been carrying as many anti-Hussein placards 
as they have anti-Bush signs. Perhaps it is because only one of them is proposing a 
devastating military assault on an impoverished country - involving Australian 
soldiers - which will almost certainly leave thousands of innocents civilians dead? 
This is just a small sample of the concoctions Western governments and their backers 
in the Fourth Estate have cooked up recently. We can expect even more agitprop in the 
days ahead. There is, however, one positive development which has emerged out of this 

The yawning gulf between popular antipathy to war in Iraq and Government enthusiasm is 
a profoundly significant development across the world, from Australia to the UK, in 
Spain, Italy, Mexico and elsewhere. There are few signs that the gap will close. In 
Turkey 96% of the population are opposed to war, according to recent surveys. 
Unsurprisingly, authorities there "are finding it difficult to disregard the public's 
anti-war feelings" (The New York Times, 18 Feb 03). Here in Australia, the Government 
and its cheerleaders in the Murdoch empire have no such difficulty, accusing hundreds 
of thousands of peace marchers of just about everything short of being enemies of the 

In truth, such a claim wouldn't be wildly inaccurate.

According to Patrick Tyler in The New York Times, President Bush and the coalition 
which is preparing to re-landscape Mesopotamia now face a "tenacious new adversary" - 
the public (17 Feb 03). They just won't buy the Administration's arguments. According 
to Tyler, we're heading into a new bipolar world with two superpowers: the US (meaning 
the government in Washington) and public opinion. It's a development which raises 
uncomfortable questions about the state of representative government in the liberal 

One of the remarkable features of the moment is the extraordinary linkages and 
solidarity which are being established by people around the world in total disregard - 
and in some cases in defiance - of their governments. Opposition to the war is 
increasingly unmediated by government and mainstream information sources, thanks 
largely to the internet where individuals can access arguments and details which would 
never see the light of day in a broadsheet newspaper. Governments cannot filter the 
dissemination of information or control the debate, and are left to demonise their 

The division of populations into two distinct groups - political elites in favour of 
war and the people opposed - is dramatically revealing to the latter that the former 
do not always act in their interests - despite the PM's much chanted mantra about 
'national interests'. This explains why Howard, Blair and Bush are so worried. They 
should be. Thank you.

(Speech to anti-war meeting, Melbourne Town Hall, 25 February, 2003) -- 


It's Under Bush's Bed! 
By Paulo Coelho

Bearing in mind that the president of the most powerful nation in the world is 
responsible for his actions and knows what he is talking about, I - a Brazilian 
writer, with no access to the secret services, the UN inspection procedure or 
confidential files, but able to read newspapers with a degree of intelligence - have 
come up with the definitive answer on how to locate the weapons of mass destruction 
being hidden by Iraq. I will require payment for this information, by the way. 
This is how to locate the weapons, step-by-step: 

1. All UN weapons inspectors currently in Iraq should pack their bags, settle their 
hotel bills and drive to Baghdad airport. 

2. There they should buy business class air tickets to Washington. I stress business 
class so that they have time to rest, as the journey will involve a number of 

3. On reaching Washington, they should catch the first bus to the headquarters of the 
Central Intelligence Agency. The address can be found in the telephone directory for 

4. On reaching CIA headquarters, and armed with the appropriate UN inspection mandate, 
they should demand to see all photos, information and documents being supplied to Mr 
George Bush. These are the documents pinpointing the precise location of each arms 
cache that allow Mr Bush to assure us that Iraq has an arsenal capable of destroying 
the planet. 

5. Once in possession of these documents, they should return to Iraq (again they 
should fly business class in order to arrive feeling rested) and go immediately to the 
places indicated in the photographs. Unable to deny the evidence, Saddam Hussein will 
have no option but to destroy his arsenal, for fear that the whole world will turn 
against him. 

6. If the CIA does not have the documents, the inspectors should go straight to Mr 
George Bush's bedroom in the White House, Washington. On the way, they should avoid 
all contact with the thousands of American demonstrators taking part in protests 
against the war in Iraq. 

7. If Mr George Bush fails to cooperate with the UN inspectors, they should look for 
the evidence under his bed. If they do not find it there, they should go and see the 
president's psychoanalyst, having first equipped themselves with a mandate from the UN 
security council, and ask the following question: "Does a son necessarily have to 
complete his father's work?" If the answer is yes, please advise me at once: my father 
was a civil engineer and, when he retired, he may well have left unfinished projects 
for his heir to deal with. 

If the answer is no, demand that the psychoanalyst - on behalf of the UN, the US and 
the rest of the world - prescribe the necessary medication to his patient so that he 
no longer constitutes a threat to his country and to his planet. 

This is the required method of payment: 

Once this infallible line of action has been followed, I ask that the billions of 
dollars that would have been spent on the war be divided up in the following manner: 

1. 50% to help the poor in Brazil, since the president of Brazil is currently 
grappling with a huge budget deficit, and because the author of this practical guide 
is himself Brazilian. 

2. 40% to go to Africa. 

3. 9% to old Europe, which wavered but did not fall - at least not up until now, the 
day on which I am writing this article. 

4. 1% to pay for a nice biography of Tony Blair, to be translated into 40 languages, 
in hard cover, with colour photographs, saying what a great leader he is, how 
intelligent, important, charismatic, handsome and charming. That should be enough to 
keep him content, in the knowledge that his remarkable qualities have been recognised. 

Finally, it is important to add the following: when speaking about the war, please do 
not generalise and say: "Americans all want to attack Iraq." We have made the same 
mistake before, in saying that "Serbs are all butchers", "Brazilians are all lazy", or 
"Iranians are all fundamentalists". 

The people who want to attack Iraq are the politicians surrounding George Bush, the 
Enron orphans. The American people are fully aware of what is going on, and just as 
they managed to stop the war in Vietnam, they may, when no convincing explanations are 
forthcoming, manage to persuade Mr Bush's psychoanalyst to prescribe a sedative and 
put an end to this nightmare. 

This article is a contribution to the openDemocracy debate on the Iraqi crisis 
published on www.opendemocracy.net 

Paulo Coelho is a bestselling novelist

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