South Asia Citizens Wire | 24 Dec., 2004 via: www.sacw.net
[1] Pakistan: Passport to politics (Asha'ar Rehman) [2] Pakistan: Release the fishermen (editorial, The News) [3] India: Employment as a social responsibility (Jean Drèze) [4] India - Gujarat: 2 Editorials on latest developments in the Best Bakery Case [5] India: The Brethren in Goa (Githa Hariharan) [6] India - Church Flays Film On Goa Liberation (Raju Nayak) [7] India: Sangh Parivar moves at Shrine in Karnataka stalled: 3 recent reports [8] India: Film review: Trauma of a riot (Shonali Bose) [9] UK: South Asian Alliance Condemns Cancellation of 'Behzti' [10] Upcoming events: (i) Talk by Professor Mahmood Mamdani (New Delhi, 28 December, 2004) (ii) Screening of the Film 'Kitte Mil Ve Mahi' directed by Ajay Bhardwaj (New Delhi, 30 December 2004) -------------- [1] The News International December 23, 2004 PASSPORT TO POLITICS Machine-readable passports are controversial because politicians cannot be seen to ignore 'religious' causes Asha'ar Rehman Believe it or not, the new machine-readable Pakistani passport has an entry mentioning the nationality of the bearer! Whatever may be the case with the passports issued by other countries to their citizens, a nationality column on a passport looks a bit of a waste. If it were meant for the consumption of the machine, maybe a code or a sign somewhere would have sufficed. But wait a minute. No one wants to pick at the authorities for this extravagance. Few are worried about how they will prove their identity in the absence of old entries like a person's height, colour of eyes and hair, or profession. Even the earlier 'visible distinguishing marks' column has been dropped. Yet, we continue insisting that the passport must mention our religious denomination, so that the world can know which god we swear by. The religious groups were appalled by the mere sight of the machine-readable passport, and immediately began fighting to restore the religion column. While the government at first gave the impression that it was determined to stick to the new passport in its original shape, the official resistance to the protesters' demand has been weakening of late. So much so, that the official Pakistan Muslim League has now itself supported a restoration of the religion column. Incidentally, the new passport already bears a stamp that says 'hamil haza Muslman hai' (the bearer is a Muslim), which amounts to yet another timid surrender by the once-determined government. It is reminiscent of the collapses of the past, such as the retreat on monitoring and streamlining curriculum in religious schools or madrassas. Now, who is the passport meant for, the privileged bearer or the world he is ready to explore? It is essentially a recommendation letter to a citizen from the head of the state. >From a simple paper called parwana-e-rahdari to the more complicated recent models to its simplified machine-readable form now, it has been a document where a head of the state, king or elected or unelected, recognises a citizen. The language may have undergone changes but the message and the purpose remains the same. The previous Pakistani passport said: 'This is to request and require in the Name of the President of Pakistan all those whom it may concern to allow the bearer to pass freely without let or hindrance and to afford him/her every assistance and protection of which he/she may stand in need.' In the reign of a more humble president, and also for the sake of better drafting, the wording has been changed and it now reads: 'Ministry of Interior Government of Pakistan requires and requests in the name of the President of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan all those to whom it may concern to allow the bearer to pass freely without let or hindrance and to afford the bearer such assistance and protection as may be necessary'. It no longer says 'By order of the President of Pakistan', but identifies the immediate issuer as director general immigration and passports - and this time it is assumed that the official is representing Pakistan. The director general is required to check the records of applicants before a passport is issued, and has to keep the international standard in mind in doing so. He doesn't have to provide information no one is asking for. The people the passport is essentially addressed to are not asking for a religion-based introduction, at least not in this case, nor do they want a personal article of faith. All they want is proof that we are bona fide Pakistani citizens. It is not their concern in this particular instance how we want to divide our country, on the basis of faith, caste and creed. That is a task that we must undertake on our own. There is no stopping us once we start. At the birth of a baby girl, the hospital staff insisted that the parents provide details about which proud caste the new entrant was privileged to be a member of. They wouldn't stop until they got the dossier on an innocent soul who had no idea which country and which family she belonged to and which faith she would be subscribing to while she said her prayers later on in life. It was realised that she was ready for her place in society when, six years later, she declared that she had a Syed girl in her class. Likewise, the election candidate who canvassed in our area, was more keen on garnering votes on the base of his biradari, as he knew that relying too much on the party manifesto could give an undesirable impersonal colour to his politics. The respected maulvi sahib threatens to lecture the faithful on the demerits of going to a 'rival' sect's mosque. And so on and so forth. But these are all internal matters, the splits within, which are well known the world over. Not something we need to mention in our passports. The government appeared to be thinking along the same lines when it concluded that the column mentioning the religion of the passport holder was redundant. Chaudhry Shahid Akram Bhinder, minister of state for law and justice, told the participants of a seminar on December 21, that the international format left no room for such an entry. He was reiterating what many have observed an independent analyst when he described the campaign for the restoration of the column as be maqsad or lacking in purpose. Yet, in the face of a political campaign launched by the pro-Islam groups, the government has generally failed to do its duty. It has been unable to effectively and frankly explain to the people why the column was earlier there and why it was removed. All that it has managed to offer is ministerial statements, of the 'government knows the best' variety. On the contrary, the softening of its stance suggested that it was helpless in stopping the emotional blackmail which has long been going on in the name of religion, and which has precluded a reasonable discussion of all issues. It has made mandatory for politicians of various shades to show their support or opposition accordingly on all matters that are perceived to be religious. And as the interested parties indulge in this crude form of politics, the bearer is denied an opportunity to go beyond the socially imposed and officially sealed boundaries. These biases tend to stay wherever you go, whatever is written in your passport. The writer is a staff member on TNS Lahore ______ [2] Editorial, The News International December 24, 2004 RELEASE THE FISHERMEN The arrival of a seven-member delegation of Indian fishermen in Karachi on Wednesday for talks on the release of their brethren and boats held by Pakistan is yet another reminder of the plight of sea-going fishermen on both sides of the border. According to a news agency report, Pakistan is currently holding some 869 Indian fishermen along with 117 boats, while India has in detention 141 Pakistani fishermen along with 20 boats. One of the reasons advanced for the greater number of Indian fishermen detained in Pakistan, is that more of them land up on the Pakistani side, impelled as much by wind and sea currents as the promise of more plentiful catch. However, fishermen on both sides argue that in the absence of clearly demarcated boundaries, they often find themselves on the wrong side, often after days at sea; their boats are old and not equipped with technological devices that would alert them that they are straying. Some privately admit that they know when they have crossed the line, but in the heat of the chase as they go after a shoal of fish, they prefer to take their chances rather than lose the catch - going out to sea and maintaining the boats is expensive business. If they don't catch the requisite number of fish, they and their families don't eat. In any case, they are hard-working citizens who do not deserve to be treated as criminals. They are among the poorest of the poor, struggling to eke out a hand-to-mouth existence from this precarious livelihood that depends for its success on the vagaries of the weather and the moods of the sea. When arrested by the 'other side', their families back home are often left without any support or other means of livelihood. Sometimes families lose several male members at one go to the law-enforcing agencies, rendering their situation even more desperate. Their incarceration can range from months to a couple of years - surely a rather harsh punishment compared to the nature of their transgression. There has been talk of the government providing fishermen with the expensive computerized nautical equipment that would enable them to keep track of their course. If this becomes a reality, at no cost or at subsidised cost to them, it would be a welcome step indeed. Meanwhile, as the governments of India and Pakistan engage in the peace process and discuss this and other issues, a practical step they could take before the time-consuming agreements are arrived at, is to least direct their maritime agencies to not arrest and detain each other's fishermen. If caught violating international boundaries, their catch could be confiscated, and they could be allowed to return home empty-handed. This would not only save the burden on our respective prison systems, but send out a goodwill signal and simultaneously benefit the powerless and the poor, which should surely be the aim of good governance, and good neighbours. ______ [3] The Hindu 22 November 2004 EMPLOYMENT AS A SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY By Jean Drèze An Employment Guarantee Act places an enforceable obligation on the state and gives bargaining power to the labourers. It creates accountability. THE DRAFT National Rural Employment Guarantee Act has recently entered national policy debates like a wet dog at a glamorous party. The demand for an Employment Guarantee Act is not new, but a series of unlikely events has catapulted it from obscurity to the top of the political agenda. The proposed Act gives a legal guarantee of employment in rural areas to anyone who is willing to do casual manual labour at the statutory minimum wage. Any adult who applies for work under the Act is entitled to being employed on public works within 15 days. Failing that, an unemployment allowance has to be paid. In the draft Act prepared by the National Advisory Council, guaranteed employment is subject to an initial limit of 100 days per household a year, which may be raised or removed over time. The need for an Act has been questioned. Why is it not enough to initiate massive employment schemes? The main answer is that an Act places an enforceable obligation on the state, and gives bargaining power to the labourers. It creates accountability. By contrast, a scheme leaves labourers at the mercy of government officials. There is another major difference between a scheme and an Act. Schemes come and go, but laws are more durable. A scheme can be trimmed or even cancelled by a bureaucrat, whereas changing a law requires an amendment in Parliament. If an Employment Guarantee Act (EGA) is passed, labourers will have durable legal entitlements. Over time, they are likely to become aware of their rights and learn how to defend them. Opposition to an EGA often arises from a failure to appreciate its far-reaching economic, social and political significance. To start with, an EGA would go a long way towards protecting rural households from poverty and hunger. In fact, a full-fledged EGA would enable most poor households in rural India to cross the poverty line. Secondly, it would lead to a dramatic reduction of rural-urban migration: if work is available in the village, many rural families will stop heading for the cities during the slack season. Thirdly, guaranteed employment would be a major source of empowerment for women. A large proportion of labourers employed under an EGA are likely to be women, and guaranteed employment will give them some economic independence. Fourthly, an EGA is an opportunity to create useful assets in rural areas. In particular, there is a massive potential for labour-intensive public works in the field of environmental protection: watershed development, land regeneration, prevention of soil erosion, restoration of tanks, protection of forests, and related activities. Fifthly, guaranteed employment is likely to change power equations in the rural society, and to foster a more equitable social order. Finally, an EGA is a unique opportunity to activate and empower the panchayati raj institutions, including gram panchayats and gram sabhas. It will give them a new purpose, backed with substantial financial resources. Having said this, an EGA would not come cheap. Even those who are otherwise sympathetic to the idea often wonder whether it is affordable. It is interesting that similar concerns have seldom been raised with respect to the "interlinking of rivers" project. The cost of this project is far greater, and its benefits (if any) far more speculative, than those of an EGA. Yet the project easily mustered support from some of the country's most prestigious institutions and personalities, based on the flimsiest possible arguments. It would be surprising if this had nothing to do with the fact that the interlinking project is a potential bonanza for the corporate sector. Be that as it may, the economic viability of employment guarantee needs to be examined in its own terms, and not by comparison with extravagant projects. In the note on this issue prepared by the National Advisory Council, the cost of employment guarantee is anticipated to rise from 0.5 per cent of GDP in 2005-06 to 1 per cent of GDP in 2008-09. This is based on the assumption that the scheme is gradually extended to the whole of India within four years, starting with the 150 poorest districts. The anticipated cost of 1 per cent of GDP is a financial cost. It is arguable that the "real" cost would be much lower. For instance, the financial cost of employing a labourer on public works is the statutory minimum wage, but the economic cost (the real resources foregone) may not be so high, if the labourer is otherwise unemployed. However, even if the real cost of employment guarantee is as high as 1 per cent of GDP, there is no cause for panic. The challenge of financing employment guarantee has to be seen in the light of the fact that India's tax-GDP is very low in international perspective: about 15 per cent (for the Centre and the States combined) compared with, say, 37 per cent in OECD countries. Further, India's tax-GDP ratio has declined in recent years. For instance, the ratio of Central taxes to GDP was only 9.3 per cent in 2003-04, compared with 10.6 per cent in 1987-8. These are some indications, among others, that there is much scope for raising India's tax-GDP ratio to finance employment guarantee and related social programmes. On the nuts and bolts of enhancing tax revenue, there are useful hints in the recent "Kelkar 2" report submitted to the Ministry of Finance. Some aspects of this report are questionable, including its fixation with uniform taxes and its touching faith in the scope for raising revenue by lowering tax rates. Nevertheless, the report also suggests many sensible ways of raising the tax-GDP ratio, such as introducing value-added taxes, extending taxation to most services, using information technology to broaden the tax net, eliminating arbitrary exemptions, and (last but not least) fighting tax evasion. If these opportunities are well utilised, Plan expenditure can be raised by much more than one per cent of India's GDP. Further, there is no need to stop at "Kelkar 2". Many other financing options can be considered. For instance, a recent World Bank study estimates that lifting the anachronistic cap on the Professions Tax would enable State Governments to collect additional tax revenue to the tune of 0.9 per cent of GDP. Similarly, much revenue could be generated from "green taxes" on environmentally harmful consumption, or more generally, on anti-social activities. There is also much scope for pruning unnecessary public expenditure, starting with military expenditure and subsidies for the rich - there are many. In short, the fundamental ability of the Indian economy to sustain employment guarantee is not in doubt. What is required is imagination and commitment in tapping that potential. Some of these proposals are likely to be opposed by those who stand to gain from the status quo, as happened with the introduction of VAT as well as with the "capital transactions" tax. One way around it is to link tax reforms more clearly with positive initiatives such as the EGA. Instead of piecemeal reforms, often derailed by vested interests, the need of the hour is for a comprehensive "new deal", involving a higher tax-GDP ratio but also better use of tax revenue. A package of this kind has a greater chance of success than piecemeal reform. "Tax the rich" would be a useful guiding principle for this package. During the last 20 years or so, the so-called "middle class" (read the top five per cent of the income scale) has become rich beyond its wildest dreams. It has literally transplanted itself to the first world without even applying for a visa. The time to share is long overdue. The onset of cold weather in the capital is a good time to ponder over these matters. This year again thousands of people are going to die in agony because they do not possess as much as a blanket to cover their emaciated bodies at night. The slaughter will be attributed to a "cold wave" but the real issue is the dreadful poverty in which people have been allowed to live decade after decade. This is not just a tragedy for the victims, but also a deep scar on the national fabric. It affects everything - from the self-respect of the nation to the quality of democracy. To put it differently, there are two ways of thinking about the proposed EGA. One is to see it as a pitched battle between the working class and the privileged classes. Another is to regard it as a national endeavour - a visionary initiative in which most citizens have a stake in one way or another. There is some truth in both perceptions, but so far the first one has dominated public debates. Better recognition of the wide-ranging social benefits of an EGA is likely to put the issue in a different light. ______ [4] [2 Editorials on latest developments in the Best Bakery Case ] The Times of India December 24, 2004 Editorial TRIAL BY FEAR Tehelka probe exposes plight of riot victims It is now alleged that Zahira Sheikh was paid off to change her testimony on the Best Bakery massacre. As we have argued in these columns, she should be tried for perjury. Zahira has failed all those fighting for justice in Gujarat, and more so, victims like her. It is worse if she, as alleged, has sold her victimhood for cash to absolve perpetrators of the gruesome murders at Best Bakery. However, her act raises disturbing questions about our administration and legal system. Despite the laudable efforts of the Supreme Court, the Gujarat government has done little to allay fears of the riot victims in order for them to trust the state in their quest for justice. Investigations by media have indicated that administrators and politicians conspired to prolong the riots and even abetted rioters. Shoddy investigation and farcical trials by local fast track courts in the Best Bakery massacre provoked the apex court to order a retrial outside Gujarat. But, the 'modern day Neroes of Gujarat' remain unmoved by the strictures. In the name of a popular mandate, they stalk the streets of Gujarat threatening and even offering bribes to riot victims and those who aid them. They hope that time and an indifferent state will tire out even the last dogged seeker of justice. Recent history only confirms the cynical view that the state cannot deliver justice to victims of communal violence. Governments have preferred to gloss over meticulous investigations like the Srikrishna Commission that probed the '93 Mumbai riots. Is it any wonder then that a 'star' witness like Zahira prefers to negotiate her justice and get on with life rather than seek legal redressal? Political will is as important as courts and commissions if justice is to be delivered in its true spirit. Unfortunately, our political system singularly fails this test. In the Best Bakery case, the investigation should now extend beyond the specifics of the incident on that fateful day and include the allegations of buy-offs and threats by the accused. Also, the prosecution should look beyond Zahira to nail the accused. A singular witness, that too an 18-year-old woman, is hardly the best bet to prove the complicity of powerful politicians in state-abetted violence. The state should provide protection to other witnesses from threats and ensure proper rehabilitation of riot victims to prevent a repeat of the Best Bakery trial. Justice for Gujarat riot victims will be complete only when the state wins back the trust of its citizens. o o o o Indian Express December 24, 2004 Editorial IN COURT, WE TRUST The Mumbai court must open its doors to the new leads in the Best Bakery case There is an unwavering bottomline to the tumultuous saga of Zaheera Sheikh. This is a landmark case in which, for the very first time, the Supreme Court has shifted the trial out of a state after all the accused were acquitted, and ordered a retrial in another city in another state. This is a case of enormous political delicacy and consequence, given that in the public imagination, Zaheera Sheikh has become the face of the victim of Gujarat 2002. It is urgent, therefore, to safeguard the Best Bakery case from attempts - from all sides, riding good motives and bad - to rearrange the narrative in less than objective ways. And the onus to clear a way through the deepening fog lies squarely with the Supreme Court. After all, when it seemed that the process of justice was rushed into a dead end in Gujarat, it was the apex court that had stalwartly taken charge. In the wake of Tehelka's sting operation, the apex court must ensure that the courtroom in Mumbai opens its door to admit the new leads. The suspicion that Zaheera Sheikh may have been bribed, not intimidated, into changing her testimony in the fast track court in Vadodara in May 2003 which led to the acquittal of all 21 accused, has just been bared to public view. These leads must be rigorously pursued in Mumbai. It is in Mumbai, after all, that justice has been given another chance, and where it must demonstrate both its openness and its resilience, in the wake of this sensational disclosure or that one. The Mumbai court must decode the significance of Zaheera's somersaults to the case in which she is the prime witness. In Mumbai, we must remember, other witnesses in the Best Bakery case have already come forward to identify the accused. While Zaheera Sheikh was the reason for the Best Bakery case's vault into the national spotlight, and its staying there, she is certainly not the only one to have recounted the events of that night of March 1, 2002, when a mob burst into the Best Bakery and burnt 14 alive. There has been no punishment for that horrific crime so far. Having imaginatively salvaged the process of justice from the tangle of state intimidation and political pressure in Gujarat, the apex court must now ensure its quick and just resolution in Mumbai. ______ [5] The Telegraph December 05, 2004 THE BRETHREN IN GOA - The sangh parivar fails in both history and imagination Second Thoughts / Githa Hariharan History in the background Since their defeat in the parliamentary elections, the BJP seems to be losing one mask a day, and in full public view. The party with a difference - which was going to lead us to a shining India - is now back to "basics": Hindutva, and intimidation of critics, RSS style. For those who have seen through the many masks of the BJP even when they were in power, recent events only confirm the way power-seeking communalists look and behave when they are knocked down. When their much-touted "patriotism" or their bloodthirsty "spiritualism" are stripped of their layers of make-up to reveal the real - and ugly - faces beneath. The BJP is no longer in power, and their heroes and heroines know this. In fact, this is what makes their colleagues in power at the state level particularly anxious to push forward their "vision" of India - regardless of what this does to their corner of India or the people living there. Goa is a case in point. My impression of Goa, on my brief visits there, is of a state that colourfully exemplifies the pluralist nature of contemporary Indian reality. As every holidaymaker knows, Goa is a warm and hospitable place with something on offer to every visitor's taste. Unfortunately, this open-armed hospitality seems to have encouraged a particularly obnoxious family to overstay. Goa in the clutches of the sangh parivar is changing into a place many of us would have some trouble recognizing. Much worse, it is in danger of becoming an alien place to the Goans themselves. In recent times, Goa has been the setting for non-resident stalwarts such as Vajpayee to air their version of double-speak. Much worse are the day-to-day activities of the resident hatemongers who have no time for the nuances of doublespeak. These goons, given to action rather than nitpicking ideology, have been drawing a new and distorted map of Goa - through their attempts at rewriting history, and their strategy of intimidating all those critical of the BJP state government. Intimidation tactics have, of necessity, to bypass basic democratic norms. This necessity has become even more visible after the BJP's defeat in the parliamentary elections. Now that there is no anxiety to maintain any pretence of being part of a responsible government in power at the Centre, the state government has unleashed its paranoia on anyone who dares to criticize it. These tactics are perfectly in line with the new resolutions of the BJP, post-defeat at the Centre. It seems, alas, appropriate that Advani's call to return to the "basics" was given in Goa. Consider the recent spate of vandalization in Goa, the attacks and raids on those perceived as critics of the powers that be, or on those seen simply as "different". The FDA, for example, carried out raids on the clinic and nursing home of Dr Francisco colaco, one of the co-founders of Lok Shakti, supposedly on receiving a complaint from a woman minus surname and address. The charges constitute an utter failure of the imagination: the woman charges she found the nurses of the clinic asleep; she also saw "animals" on the nursing home premises! Of course, while blundering in unfamiliar imaginative territory, the raid-happy authorities forgot some of the basic information they should have been mastering instead: the regulation of nursing homes, particularly when they do not stock drugs, is the responsibility of the directorate of health services and not the FDA. At about the same time, the FDA also raided the popular Mongini confectionery outlets. These raids were supposedly in response to a complaint by a chai-and-eats shopowner who claimed to have found a cockroach in a Mongini pastry he bought. Apparently, the tea shopowner himself runs a one-room shop swarming with flies and cockroaches. The trouble with the complaint as cause-of-raid theory is that even before the complaint in Vasco, as many as five Mongini outlets across Goa were targeted. The only difference seems to be that when the Vasco outlet was "raided," a TV cameraman accompanied the FDA team. And in case anyone should miss seeing the pattern of intimidation and blackmail in vogue in Goa today, these raids were only two instances: there was the example of the CID calling on advocate Bernard D'Souza, a trustee of the Nitoll Jinn Trust, a trust committed to fighting corruption at all levels of bureaucracy and government. There was also the case of the attack on Mapusa hotelier (and Congress block president) Mathew Braganza. That the vandalism in Braganza's hotel was no accident was innocently revealed by the law minister, Francis D'Souza, in an interview: he was very clear that the decision to hold a protest march against Mathew Braganza was taken at a meeting of the BJP at which the chief minister was present. Side by side with such tactics to silence criticism is the familiar attempt to rewrite history. Having learnt its history at the feet of absentee physics professor, Murli Manohar Joshi, the sangh parivar in Goa has been working hard to invent a new Goan history, a history in which all traces of Portuguese colonial influence is erased. Simply put, it appears that for the RSS and its ilk in Goa, the link between "Portuguese culture" and Goa today is Christianity. It's the same old song of intolerance. The same old longing for an India with one "pure", homogeneous identity. It is this longing that is behind the frequent vandalization of other identities or symbols of such identities. For example: the Tonca Pillar and the name plaques on the walls of residences at Mala and some other places were vandalized on Goa Revolution Day. Local residents confirm there were police present, but this did not stop the vandals from going about their destructive work with sledgehammers. The government's reaction to calls for an investigation of the incident and the arrest of the culprits is that there have been no "complaints" lodged by citizens. Again, these miscreants have been changing street names they disapprove of, bypassing not only the wishes of residents, but also the city corporation and standard legal procedure. In other words, there have been a series of vandalisms and acts of cultural censorship, all of which spring from the ideology that spurred chief minister, Manohar Parrikar, to declaim at a convention: "We will take care of our own Heritage and our own Heritage Buildings." It's a little difficult to unravel and throw out varied cultural legacies, whether from the colonial period or any other period of history, so entangled are they in a complex, many-stranded society. To demand now that "Goan culture" should "cleanse" itself of the usual give-and-take transactions that occur in any colonial encounter is not only bad history; it is not going to make the lives of Goans today any better. In fact, the consensus among those proud to be Goans seems to be that the sangh parivar's tactics are reminiscent of the worst days of the Portuguese colonial regime, and that the chief minister himself recalls Salazar at his worst. But for those who fail on history as well as imagination, irony is not exactly a high-premium commodity. ______ [6] Indian Express, December 20, 2004 CHURCH FLAYS FILM ON GOA LIBERATION Says Ramesh Deo*s Rs 40-lakh docu sponsored by govt is communal*, criticises *screening in schools across the state Raju Nayak PANAJI, DECEMBER 19: The Catholic Church in Goa has come out in protest against a government-sponsored documentary on the liberation of the state from Portuguese rule. The Archdiocese of Goa and Daman, which viewed the documentary, said the film, Goa Ka Swadhinata Sangram, produced by Ramesh Deo, was **highly communal**. The Diocesan Service Centre for Social Action (DSCSA) and the Diocesan Society of Education (DSE), in a joint statement, also criticised the state government*s decision to screen the documentary in schools across the state. **The aim seems to fan communal hatred and draw a wedge among Goan communities living peacefully and in total communal harmony since hundreds of years,** they added. The DSCSA and the DSE have described the move as **shocking** since the Education department **could envisage such a highly loaded** documentary. DSE runs more than 100 schools in Goa. The script committee, originally set up by the Manohar Parrikar Government, comprised mainly of RSS leaders. Subsequently, some changes were made after local historians pointed out flaws in the script. The film, made at a cost Rs 40 lakh, shows atrocities committed by the Portuguese after the conquest of Goa, reaction of Goans to atrocities, especially from Velim, Assolna and Cuncolim, and the revolt of the Ranes. It has been pointed out that in some instances, the production lacks authenticity * like the khaki uniforms worn by the police and the army in the years immediately after Goa was conquered. Fr. Valerian Vaz Spokesman of the DSCSA, when contacted, said after the Education Department sent CDs to schools, some Diocesan-managed schools even screened it. **But when some schools found it highly objectionable, they contacted us. When the Department sends any circulars, they are innocently followed. It is highly objectionable of the attitude of the Department to send CDs of the documentary to schools at the last minute. Some schools even received the CDs on Saturday to be screened on Sunday.** Fr Vaz further said the way things have been presented is wrong. **In the beginning, it is shown that Christianity was against the local culture. A rape is shown. Some atrocities might have occurred, but this is not the way to present them. It will only create hatred.** He added that **It is ok to show the film to adults. They are mature enough to judge it. But children might get carried away with the propaganda. We might even write to the Chief Minister.** However, when contacted, a history lecturer, Prajal Sakhardande, in a local college, said there is no harm in showing anything which is a part of history. **It is shown that Catholic priests were behind the inquisition, and it is a fact. Why should the church object to it,** he asked. Ashok N.P. Dessai, Director Education, when contacted, extended support to the film, and said that the documentary was based on facts. Goa Electronics Limited has been awarded the contract of producing the CDs, and they would shortly distribute them among all the schools in Goa, Desai added. ______ [7] [Sangh Parivar moves at Bababudangiri Shrine in Karnataka stalled: 3 recent reports] o o o o The Hindu Dec 21, 2004 KARNATAKA: CPI(M) WANTS COURT ORDERS ON DATTA JAYANTI FOLLOWED By Our Special Correspondent BANGALORE, DEC. 20. The Communist Party of India (Marxist) has opposed the plan of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Bajrang Dal to organise Shoba Yatra and conduct `homa' during the Datta Jayanti celebrations at Bababudangiri in Chikmagalur district from Friday. Addressing a press conference here today, G.N. Nagaraj, secretary, CPI(M), State Committee, said Shoba Yatra, Datta Male and homa were not religious practices associated with the Sufi dargah at Bababudangiri. They were part of the "political activities of the BJP and the Sangh Parivar." `Ban illegal practices' The BJP leaders were attempting to disturb the communal harmony in the district in the name of Datta Jayanti. The Government should not succumb to the BJP leaders' threats, he said and urged it to ban what he termed illegal practices at Bababudangiri. Mr. Nagaraj urged the Government to publish a list of practices that prevailed at the shrine prior to 1975 as ordered by the Endowment Commissioner in the context of court decisions. At an all-party meeting called by the Chief Minister, N. Dharam Singh, recently, the Government had promised to uphold the decisions of the High Court and the Supreme Court and to permit only those ceremonies that were observed prior to 1975, he said. The BJP MLA C.T. Ravi's reported statement questioning the authority of the Deputy Commissioner to decide on the observances at the shrine are unacceptable to the people of the State and is aimed at disturbing the law and order situation in Chikmagalur, he said. The CPI(M) supported the Statewide "Save Bababudangiri traditions" campaign launched by various organisations. He appealed to secular forces to expose the false propaganda unleashed by the BJP. Govt. urged to clarify Our Gulbarga Special Correspondent reports: The CPI(M) today urged the Government to clarify whether the High Court ruling on the observation of the Datta Jayanti celebrations would be followed. Maruti Manpade and S.Y. Gurushant, members of the party's State Committee, told presspersons that the High Court judgment in 1988 said that only the religious practices followed for performing the Datta Jayanti prior to 1975 should be observed and no new religious practices and customs should be allowed. The Government should ensure that the court directions are not violated. Mr. Manpade and Mr. Gurushant said that the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, the Bajrang Dal and the BJP in the State have no respect for judicial verdicts and have made clear their intentions of violating the High Court directions to gain political mileage by whipping up communal tension in Chikmagalur. Mr. Gurushant, who was a member of the CPI(M) team that participated in the all-party meeting called by the Chief Minister, said that the party did not seek a ban on the Shoba Yatra and the Chaitanya Yatra. It only wanted the Government to ensure that the participants did not create communal ill will. Order welcomed Mr. Gurushant welcomed the order issued by the Deputy Commissioner of Chikmagalur district that the directions issued by the High Court would be implemented fully and no new religious practices would be allowed. He said the CPI(M) and other Left parties and social organisations will resist any move by the Sangh Parivar elements to disturb the peace at Bababudangiri in the name of observing Datta Jayanti. The party will start an awareness campaign on the issue throughout the State from Tuesday, he added. o o o o Deccan Herald December 24, 2004 GOVT CLAMPS BAN ON SHOBHA YATRA BANGALORE, DHNS: The State Government on Thursday resolved to ban the Shobha Yatra proposed by the Sangh Parivar during the Datta Jayanti celebrations at the Bababudangiri hills in Chikmagalur, a day before the commencement of three-day Jayanti celebrations. The celebrations are scheduled to begin on December 24. Home Secretary Brahm Dutt along with Director General of Police S N Borkar, apprised Chief Minister N Dharam Singh of the prevailing tense situation and the arrangements made to preserve law and order in the area. Speaking to reporters after briefing the chief minister on the issue, Mr Dutt said the government decided to ban all rallies and yatras and permit only pujas on the hills. "The Government will allow pujas as per the 1975 High Court orders," he told reporters. Earlier in the day, BJP Opposition Leaders in both the Houses of the Legislature B S Yediyurappa and D H Shankaramurthy called on Mr Singh to seek permission for the Shobha Yatra on Saturday, but this was rejected. Speaking to reporters on Thursday, Mr Singh said all precautionary measures have been taken. Meanwhile, the Chikmagalur district authorities clamped prohibitory orders in Chikmagalur city on the proposed BJP Shobha Yatra scheduled for December 25, as also on holding any public meeting in the shrine on December 26, DHNS reports from Bababudangiri in Chikmagalur district. However, the annual Datta Jayanti celebrations at the cave shrine in Bababudangiri will be allowed to be held on Sunday amidst tight security arrangements. Deputy Commissioner Rajendra Kumar Kataria said that prohibitory orders under CrPC Section 144 has been clamped in Chikmagalur town from Thursday evening at 6 pm to Sunday morning 6 am, within a five-kilometer radius of the town falling under the jurisdiction of the City Municipality Council. o o o o The Hindu Dec 24, 2004 Karnataka - Shimoga VEDIKE WELCOMES BAN ORDERS IN CHIKMAGALUR By Our Special Correspondent SHIMOGA, DEC. 23. Karnataka Komu Souharda Vedike, a forum for communal harmony, has welcomed the imposition of ban orders under Section 144, Criminal Procedure Code, in and around Chikmagalur this evening to prevent the Sangh Parivar from taking out a Shobha Yatra prior to religious rites at Bababudanagiri on the occasion of Datta Jayanthi. At a press conference here, the convenor of the forum, K.L. Ashok, said the State Government's decision to ban the yatra is a victory for a campaign of the forum. He hoped that the Government will adhere to the Karnataka High Court order of 1980 and the seven-point guideline issued by the Endowment Commissioner for maintaining the status of the shrine prior to 1975 by disallowing performance of Homa and Havana as part of the jayanthi. He said the forum will depute a team of observers to Bababudanagiri to watch if these religious rites are held. Mr. Ashok said that in view of the ban orders, Souharda Samskritika Jatre of the vedike has been shifted to Shimoga on Saturday. He said Teesta Setlavad, human rights activist, will inaugurate the jatre which will be presided over by the seer of the Murugha Mutt of Chitradurga. Veerabhadra Chennamalla Swamiji of Nidumamidi Mutt of Bangalore will inaugurate the Manava Dharma Sangama following the jatra, in which heads of several religious institutions will participate. Basavaraj Devaru of the Revana Siddheshwara Mutt and Manjula of Mahila Jagruthi were present. ______ [8] The Hindu Dec 16, 2004 TRAUMA OF A RIOT Shonali Bose `Amu,' which was premiered in Thiruvananthapuram today, is a powerful depiction of the trauma undergone by victims of the anti-Sikh riots in New Delhi in 1984. The multilingual film, screened for a packed audience at Kairali theatre, raises uncomfortable questions that have been left unanswered for the last 20 years. Truth unravelled The anguish and anger of the riot victims have been portrayed through the story of a 21-year-old Indian American woman who stumbles upon the horrific truth, which had been hidden from her, on a visit to her family in India. Kaju, played by Konkana Sen, travels back in time to rediscover the genocide that had consumed her family and changed her life forever. Brinda Karat makes her debut on the silver screen as Kaju's mother. Subhashini Ali puts in a cameo appearance as a social worker. Kaju's transformation into `Amrita' (called Amu), is marked by many trials and tribulations. Her journey into the past is an attempt to lift the shroud of silence that has concealed the guilty and helped them remain in the public domain. `Amu' concludes with a train drawing into a station and an announcement on the riots in Godhra. The debutant director of the film, Shonali Bose, who happens to be Brinda Karat's niece, says: "The killers of the riots have not been punished and this is what led to the communal riots elsewhere in the country. Godhra, Mumbai ... The same mindless violence against a community was repeated in Mumbai and Gujarat. The parties in power were different." "A lot has been written about and films have been made on the Mumbai and Gujarat riots. But it is as if the anti-Sikh riots never took place. An attempt, covert or otherwise, seems to have been made to erase this from public memory." Against violence Out of this pain was born `Amu.' "I was a student in Miranda House in Delhi. We had formed a group to help the victims. I worked with them and helped them put the pieces of their lives together. All over Delhi, horrified residents came forward to protect their neighbours. There was no official help at all. But for a few stray incidents, the violence was orchestrated. The State seemed to be turning against the very people it was supposed to protect. It was a collapse of the State and its machinery," Shonali says. She points out that nine commissions of inquiry failed to pinpoint the guilty or punish them. Although the Film Certification Board insisted on five "political cuts," the film has not yet been certified, she says. "One of the protagonists in the film says: "Only two people were punished - the killers of Indira Gandhi." That dialogue was removed. I accepted the cuts. The widows silently moving their lips are an indictment of the establishment. There is no violence, no sex or bedroom scenes, yet the film was given `A' certificate. One of the members of the Censor Board had said: "Why bring up a history which is best buried and forgotten?" The film looks back in anger at the mind-numbing violence and grief; the director makes an attempt to address the search for identity that confronts second-generation Indian Americans in the United States. "There is a sense of `not belonging' that plagues the second generation Indian diaspora in the U.S. These youngsters feel the need to explore their roots to find out who they are," she explains. `Amu' is also being released as a book by Penguin India. By Saraswathy Nagarajan Photo: S. Gopakumar ______ [9] Date: Thu, 23 Dec 2004 17:15:14 -0000 From: "Mukhtar Dar" SOUTH ASIAN ALLIANCE CONDEMNS CANCELLATION OF 'BEHZTI' The recent cancellation of Gurpreet Bhatti's play Behzti (Dishonour) as a result of threats and violence towards the playwright and the theatre was a severe blow against the right of freedom of speech. The South Asian Alliance is a secular organisation made up of individuals from Hindu, Muslim and Sikh backgrounds. We defend the right of people to practice their faith, we also acknowledge that there is a long standing tradition in South Asia of publicly criticising and ridiculing corrupt institutions and individuals. Much of this criticism has come from poets and writers at the risk of their lives. It is a fundamental right that people should be able to protest against something they disagree with but equally worth defending is the right of artists to create work without fear of being verbally threatened or physically attacked. The times we live in can only benefit from honest open criticism and debate. This can only take place if we firmly commit ourselves to the principle of defending the right of someone to speak even if we disagree with them. South Asian Alliance - Birmingham ______ [10] [UPCOMING EVENTS ] (i) PERMANENT BLACK and INDIA INTERNATIONAL CENTRE invite you to a talk by PROFESSOR MAHMOOD MAMDANI of Columbia University titled Good Muslim, Bad Muslim America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror based on his book GOOD MUSLIM, BAD MUSLIM ISLAM, THE USA, AND THE GLOBAL WAR AGAINST TERROR (published in paperback by Permanent Black) the talk will be chaired by Harish Khare, Associate Editor, THE HINDU at 6.30 p.m. on Tuesday, 28th December 2004 in Conference Room I India International Centre Main Building, New Delhi o o o o (ii) India International Centre cordially invites you to a screening of the film Kitte Mil Ve Mahi - Where the Twain Shall Meet (72 min; dv; 2004; Punjabi with English sub-titles) Directed by Ajay Bhardwaj who will introduce the film Screening will be followed by a discussion On Thursday, 30th December 2004 at 6.30 pm in the Centre's Auditorium KITTE MIL VE MAHI - Where the twain shall meet This film contends the dominant perceptions of the economic and spiritual heritage of Punjab. It does so through a people's narrative on the preservation and regeneration of its 'little' traditions, which often appear seamlessly cultural and political. Travel to the heart of Punjab. Enter a world of Sufi shrines worshipped and looked after by Dalits. Listen to B.S. Balli Qawwal Paslewale, the first generation Dalit Qawwals born out of this tradition. Join a fascinating dialogue with Lal Singh Dil-a radical poet, a Dalit, converted to Islam. Meet the last living legend of the Gadar movement, Baba Bhagat Singh Bilga, who contests the subversion of a common past, while affirming a new consciousness among Dalits, within and beyond Punjab. The interplay between the constituents of this mosaic brings to light the triple marginalisation of Dalits--- amidst the agricultural boom that is the modern Punjab, in the contesting ground of its 'major' religions, and in the intellectual construction of their 'syncretism' _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/ SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/ Sister initiatives : South Asia Counter Information Project : snipurl.com/sacip South Asians Against Nukes: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org Communalism Watch: communalism.blogspot.com/ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. ------------------------ Yahoo! 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