South Asia Citizens Wire | 6 Feb., 2005 via: www.sacw.net [1] Pakistan: (i) Obscurant prescriptions (editorial, Dawn) (ii) Rewriting the History of Pakistan (Pervez Amirali Hoodbhoy and Abdul Hameed Nayyar) [2] Nepal: (i) Royal Takeover in Nepal: Drastic and Ill-Advised (Kanak Mani Dixit) (ii) News digest by Sara Shneiderman and Mark Turin (iii) King rolls back 15 years of press freedom gains in four days (Press Release, RSF) (iv) Trade Unionists Call For Restoration of Democracy In Nepal [3] Bangladesh: (i) We, The Citizens of Bangladesh Demand Security . . .A statement by 72 Women (ii) Appeal to Overseas Bangladesh Communities (Asma Kibria) [4] India: Urgent Press Release 'state-sponsored violence against indigenous and dalit peoples in Orissa' [5] UK: Charity Commission into the fundraising activities of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (press Advisory by Awaaz South Asia) [6] India: Acceptance Statement: National Award for Best Non-Feature film (Anand Patwardhan)
-------------- [1] Dawn, 5 February 2005 Editorial OBSCURANT PRESCRIPTIONS Thursday saw the tabling of two private bills in the Frontier assembly by a Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal member seeking a ban on music and dance, and advertisements featuring women at all public places. As defined in the bills, public places include educational institutions and entertainment houses, and even private homes where the public may be admitted to enjoy music or dance, with or without a payment. If adopted by a simple majority, the bills will make such activities non bailable offences carrying a punishment of up to five years and a fine of up to Rs10,000. The opposition parties in the assembly were quick to reject the bills, terming them an attempt at Talibanization of the province. It is not clear whether these extremist views on music and the featuring of women in advertisements, as expressed by the MPA in question, are shared by his party's government in the province. Much harm has been done to society by similar obscurantist ideas and bans imposed on visual and performing arts in the past. It is hard to see how music programmes and advertisements that are perfectly acceptable to the public in all the four provinces should now be considered as crossing the threshold of morality in one province. The people of the Frontier deserve better in terms of development that they badly need in various socio-economic sectors, including health, education, employment, etc. Breach of public morality in cultural activities, as seen by a misguided few with a narrow view of what religion allows and it prohibits, is the least of public priorities. The holding of music concerts and other social activities in educational institutions and recreational spots can only have a healthy effect on society. The MMA government would do well to distance itself from the self-righteous views expressed by the MPA in question. o o o o o (ii) www.sacw.net. | February 6, 2005 REWRITING THE HISTORY OF PAKISTAN by Pervez Amirali Hoodbhoy and Abdul Hameed Nayyar (From: Islam, Politics and the State: The Pakistan Experience, Asghar Khan (ed.) Zed Books, London, 1985, pp. 164-177.) URL: www.sacw.net/HateEducation/1985HoodbhoyNayyar06022005.html ______ [2] [Nepal] (i) Sent: Tuesday, February 01, 2005 9:22 PM ROYAL TAKEOVER IN NEPAL: DRASTIC AND ILL-ADVISED By Kanak Mani Dixit When King Gyanendra sacked the prime minister and began direct rule on 1 February 2005, he said he did so under a constitutional provision which enjoins the monarchy to uphold and protect the Constitution. While he repeated many times in the royal address his commitment to constitutional monarchy and multiparty rule, the king's drastic action on Tuesday went patently against those principles. Firstly, he was taking over as executive monarch on the basis of a personal decision. Secondly, the royal address was replete with castigating references to political parties, who are the intermediaries for pluralism and democratic practice anywhere in the world. King Gyanendra's antipathy towards the political parties is well known and has been often-expressed, but by sidelining them completely and planning to rule as well as reign, the king has removed a buffer between himself and the rough and tumble of politics. To that extent, he has taken a great risk and put the institution of monarchy in the line of fire. Clearly, the king believes that the risk is worth taking. Which brings us to the matter of whether Narayanhiti Royal Palace has a trump card vis-à-vis the raging Maoist insurgency. If such is indeed the case and there is rapid movement towards tranquility, with the insurgents being routed or laying down arms, the royal palace may be able to overcome the turbulence it has introduced into the Nepali polity. Peace and an end to the insurgency would put the monarchy back on the pedestal as a respected institution, but everything depends on how soon that would happen. At one time, the Maoists did announce that they would negotiate only with Prime Minister Deuba's 'master', so are we to hope that now with the king directly in-charge the Maoists will extend a hand? We can hope. Further, the Royal Nepal Army's fight against the highly motivated and increasingly brutal insurgents thus far has been lackluster. Will the royal palace's direct control of national affairs mean that the military will now put up a spirited fight, and also that its human rights record will improve from current levels? We will have to see. What is clear is that this has been a radical step exposing the institution of kingship to flak, when other approaches could have been tried. Such as using the inherent powers of kingship to cajole the political parties to work together and put up a political front against the insurgents. But the king's deeply held feelings towards the parties seems to have blocked off this avenue towards resolution. The calls made since King Gyanendra took over informally in October 2002 for an all-party government or revival of the Third Parliament, all of which would have provided political challenge to the Maoists on their home ground, are now for naught. King Gyanendra's announcement of a takeover for 'up to three years' provides a long window in which Nepal's highly successful experiment with democracy of the last dozen years may be eroded. Unless there is a rapid move towards resolution of the insurgency, it is also likely that the Maoists will try to make common cause with the political parties. Although it is not likely that the above-ground parties will go with the insurgents as long as they hold on to the gun, it is certain that the royal action will add strength to the insurgents' demand for a king-less republican constitution and government, a call that has been taken up with alacrity lately by many politicians. It is inexplicable how the royal palace plans to attend to the criticism that is bound to erupt in the domestic political arena as well as in the international community. In castigating the political parties, King Gyanendra preferred to hark back to the Parliament dissolved three years ago, while keeping silent over interim period and rule through palace-appointed prime ministers. This is the period when the peace and security of the country's populace plummeted more than previously. In the speech, King Gyanendra highlighted the great contribution of the Shah dynasty to the creation of the nation and ventured that he was speaking for the 'janabhawana', i.e. the Nepali people's feelings. While it is true that the desire for peace overwhelms all other political desires among the people, the question arises whether the royal takeover was the proper way to address the 'chahana' (desires). Rather than remonstrate at the political parties' inability to work together and opt for the takeover, it would have been a much more popular and realistic move for the king to have used his prerogative as head-of-state to bring the bickering parties together at this critical juncture. In the end, unless King Gyanendra is able to come up with the trump card of peace vis-a-vis the Maoists in the near term, one can conclude that his unprecedented action of the First of February has exposed the historically significant institution of Nepal's monarchy to the vissictitudes of day-to-day politics and power play. Did the Nepali monarchy deserve this at this late a date in history? Endnote: As I write this on Tuesday evening, the significant political leaders are all under house arrest, the media (press, television, radio) is under censorship, the fundamental freedoms have been suspended, a state of emergency has been announced, telephones (landlines and cellular) as well as Internet are down, and the Tribhuvan International Airport is closed. o o o o o (ii) ---------- Forwarded message ---------- From: Sara Beth Shneiderman <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Date: Thu, 3 Feb 2005 22:58:47 -0500 (EST) Subject: [INSN] news digest from Kathmandu, Friday, Feb 4, 2005, 11am Location: Kathmandu, Nepal Date: Friday, February 4, 2005 [This brief news digest was prepared by Sara Shneiderman and Mark Turin, researchers from Cornell and Cambridge universities, who are currently based in Nepal. Due to the ongoing communications blackout and widespread censorship in effect, little information about Nepal is getting out. We are sending this email out through a secure V-SAT link from a foreign mission in Kathmandu. Please disseminate this news digest widely to friends of Nepal, to media outlets and to politicians in your own country who may be willing to express their condemnation of the King's action. We will continue to send brief updates as often as we can until communications are restored.] At 10am on Tuesday, February 1, 2005, Nepal's King Gyanendra gave a televised address in which he sacked the country's coalition government, dissolved the ministries and suspended fundamental rights under a State of Emergency. Citing Article 127 of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal, 1990, the King constituted a council of ministers under his own chairmanship. During his 40-minute speech to the nation, he heaped scorn upon Nepal's political parties for allegedly destroying the country's infrastructure. According to the King, despite having had adequate opportunities to resolve the state's ongoing conflict with Maoist insurgents, or call an election, the political parties had failed the people of Nepal. Laying claim to the glorious history of the Shah dynasty, Gyanendra stressed the age-old relationship between King and subjects and promised to restore multi-party democracy within three years. As the speech came to a close around 10:40am, all fixed and mobile telephone lines were cut, and non-satellite internet connections were down by the end of the day. By noon, the Kathmandu Valley was effectively sealed off from the rest of Nepal and the outside world: Tribhuvan International Airport was closed, with all incoming flights diverted elsewhere, and the main road arteries out of the Valley were blocked by security forces. Despite these draconian measures, the city was calm, with most shops remaining open through the end of the business day. There were rumours of a curfew, which sent schoolchildren scurrying home in the mid-afternoon, but these were unfounded. Armed security forces in riot gear were deployed across the city, and there was little obvious protest against the King's move. Many citizens said they were relieved that the King had taken control, stating that there was no other way out of the political stalemate that has crippled the country for the last several months. To them, Gyanendra's move was a brave risk, which would either see the King's previously mixed reputation cleared, or destroyed once and for all. There were also many sceptical voices, who feared a return to Panchayat era secrecy and the repeal of liberties hard-won over the last fourteen years of democratic process. By Tuesday evening, there was no sign of communications returning, and people gathered what information they could from their colleagues, neighbours and friends. In discussions with Nepali journalists and academics, foreigners in official and diplomatic positions in Kathmandu, conflict monitoring groups and the media, we learned that the leaders of major political parties, trade unions and student organisations were under house arrest or taken to one of six major detention centres around the valley. Captains and majors of the Royal Nepal Army were stationed in the editorial offices of all national dailies in order to censor the morning editions before they were put to bed. On Wednesday, many of the foreign missions based in Kathmandu issued statements. They had been taken by surprise by the royal-military coup, and the United Nations, Unites States, United Kingdom, the Council of the European Union and India all expressed varying degrees of strongly-worded concern. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said that he would not attend the SAARC summit scheduled for the coming week in Bangladesh as a vote of protest against 'political turmoil' in the region. Only China was reported to have accepted the King's power grab without critique, stating that it would not pass judgement on Nepal's internal affairs. Prachanda, Chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), issued a passionate statement dated February 1 condemning the King's action and calling upon 'pro-people forces' in the country to join with the Maoists to topple the monarchy and build a republic. The Maoists reiterated their call for a three-day national strike, which had predated the royal proclamation. Judging by the traffic on the streets on Thursday morning, the Maoist call was not heeded, which many saw as an indication of King Gyanendra's influence over the populace and iron grip over the nation's capital. Outside of Kathmandu, the Maoist strike was apparently observed. Reports started to trickle in from the rest of the country, thanks to limited road travel in private vehicles and a brief reprieve in the communications blackout (landlines were turned on for one to two hours each evening, but internet servers, cellular phones and international lines remain blocked). Specific events reported by reliable sources include a student demonstration at Prithvi Narayan Campus in Pokhara which was fired on by a military helicopter gunship leaving several protestors badly injured if not dead; the blocking of all FM radio broadcasts outside of Kathmandu and the instruction to those broadcasting in Kathmandu to play only entertainment-oriented programmes; the BBC FM station recently established in Kathmandu being forbidden from broadcasting the news in Nepali; the closure of news stands outside of the Valley; and a 72-hour blockade on long-distance public bus travel in and out of Kathmandu. As of writing on Friday morning, the communications network remains down. Journalists and human rights activists are concerned that they will be the next targets for arrest now that most political leaders have been muted. It remains to be seen how wide the web of detentions will be, but there is a sense of powerlessness and foreboding for the future among those who have previously expressed criticism of the state in any way. o o o o o (iii) Reporters Sans Frontières 5 rue Geoffroy Marie 75009 Paris, France Reporters Without Borders Press Release 4 February 2005 NEPAL: KING ROLLS BACK 15 YEARS OF PRESS FREEDOM GAINS IN FOUR DAYS Reporters Without Borders voiced outrage today at the drastic manner in which King Gyanendra and his army have wiped out the press freedom gains of the past 15 years, along with other democratic gains, since the coup d'etat on 1 February. The state news media and ten privately-owned media have been put under direct military control. Dozens of news media have been closed in the provinces. The authorities have banned any negative reporting about the regime for six months. Dozens of journalists are pursued by the security forces, including the president of the Federation of Nepalese Journalists (FNJ). And foreign news media correspondents are being prevented from working freely. "By criminalizing the right to inform and by bringing a vibrant and courageous independent press to its knees, the king is responsible for the most important setback to freedom in 15 years," Reporters Without Borders said, voicing support for the FNJ's call for demonstrations to defend Nepalese democracy. The press freedom organization said it urged the international community to freeze aid to the Nepalese government immediately. The aid should be conditioned on respect for basic freedoms including freedom of expression, it said. Reporters Without Borders has identified King Gyanendra as a predator of press freedom for the past three years. He has defended the abuses which eight UN experts described as extremely serious in 2004, above all because of the increase in torture and detention in undisclosed locations. Some 400 journalists were arrested or imprisoned by the security forces in 2004. Nepal has been cut off from the world since 1 February. The few reports getting out indicate a very severe clampdown on both state and privately-owned media. Military are in charge of censoring state TV programmes. Army officers have moved into the offices of the main privately-owned newspapers, including the daily Kantipur. The premises of the weekly Janaastha, known for criticising the monarchy, were overrun on 1 February by around 20 soldiers who sequestered the journalists there for the first 24 hours. An officer has stayed to censor reports. Kantipur's famous editorialist, Khagendra Sangraula, who is known for his criticism of the palace, has been detained in an army barracks in Kathmandu. The work of the few foreign press correspondents has been blocked. The news agency Reuters said hotel owners have refused to let foreign TV crews install their satellite dishes on hotel roofs. The military police briefly detained about 10 Nepalese and foreign journalists today, confiscating equipment. They included the correspondents of the Associated Press, who were covering the arrests of some 50 Congress Party activists. The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) said FNJ president Tara Nath Dahal had been in hiding since the security forces tried to arrest him at his home. The FNJ had condemned what it called a "coup d'etat against democracy" and called on journalists to fight with courage and determination to guarantee the right of the Nepalese people to news and information. The IFJ said the military has imposed censorship throughout the country. All the media were closed down in the central town of Pokhara, where the army fired on a crowd of students. "You can no longer publish news, that is the responsibility of the newspapers in Kathmandu," an officer reportedly told a Pokhara journalist. All of Nepal's community radio stations have been closed, while the oldest community station, Radio Sagarmatha, is now controlled by the army. News programmes have been banned. The military ordered two FM radio stations and four local newspapers to close in the western district of Rupandehi. o o o o o (iv) 3 February 2005 TRADE UNIONISTS CALL FOR RESTORATION OF DEMOCRACY IN NEPAL At a meeting of journalist trade unionists in Bangalore, India, organised by the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ), representatives and office bearers of the All India Newspaper Employees’ Federation, the Indian Journalists’ Union and the National Union of Journalists, India expressed their deep concern about recent events in Nepal and called upon the King to immediately restore multi party democracy and ensure the safety of media workers in Nepal. In sacking his government overnight the Nepalese King has abolished democracy and induced tyranny on the Nepalese people. All phone lines and Internet communication have been cut off, and there is fear for the safety of all Nepalese, including the many journalists there. According to information received soon after the coup d’etat, one of the first acts of the King after the take-over was to summon all newspaper editors to the palace. They were told that from now on, all publications would be vetted. The IFJ has documented Nepal's grim history of violating human rights and oppressing freedom of expression. More than 100 journalists were arrested during the previous state of emergency and many of them were tortured. Trade unionists gathered at Bangalore urged the governments in South Asia to apply pressure on the King of Nepal to re-instate democracy and human rights, and urged the King to ensure the free passage and safety of all journalists and their access to communication lines and information. All India Newspaper Employees Federation Indian Journalists’ Union National Union of Journalists, India Bangalore, India 3 February 2005 Laxmi Murthy Tolerance Prize Coordinator (South Asia) International Federation of Journalists, New Delhi 378/37 NOIDA, U.P. 201 303, India ______ [3] [Bangladesh] (i) www.sacw.net | February 6, 2005 URL: www.sacw.net/Bangladesh/72women06022005.html [A statement issued by 74 women in Dhaka, on 30 January, 2005 following the assassination of Shah A M S Kibria and five members of his audience (Abul Hossain, Farid, Manjurul Huda Manju, Siddiq Ali, Abdur Rahim) in a grenade attack on a public meeting in Habiganj, Sylhet, Bangladesh. ] WE, THE CITIZENS OF BANGLADESH DEMAND SECURITY. . . The latest in a series of bomb attacks occurred on 27 January 2005 at an Awami League public meeting in Habiganj, Sylhet. In this attack Shah A M S Kibria, member of Parliament, internationally renowned economist, freedom-fighter, language movement activist, member of Awami League's Presidium, the former Finance Minister and 5 others ( Abul Hossain, Farid, Manjurul Huda Manju, Siddiq Ali, Abdur Rahim) were killed. According to newspaper reports, nearly a hundred persons were injured. The targeted killing of a high-ranking leader of a large political party has shocked people at large. Citizens are now fearful that bomb attacks may occur in the most unsuspecting of public places. They are also distrustful because of the administration's failure to take action against the perpetrators of previous bomb attacks, or to take adequate security measures. The situation is leading to increasing desperation, and encourages criminality and violence. We think the present situation is highly dangerous for the nation as it signals an absolute breakdown of political and social morals. In the last 5 years, from March 1999 to January 2005, over 140 persons have been killed in 21 bomb and grenade attacks. These attacks have targeted political public meetings, cultural activities, including theatre performances (Jatra and Baul singing), and even homes of political or cultural activists. We do not think that these incidents are unconnected; on the contrary, they appear to be systematic and well planned. This is why these incidents of bomb and grenade attacks are very alarming. We are concerned with the administration's failure to prevent these attacks, to carry out proper investigations, to make public investigation reports or to bring the perpetrators to justice. What is most alarming is the inefficiency, incapability and lack of a clear political will on the part of the government to stem the tide of political violence. Information available from different news sources - government and private - reveals that after these bomb or grenade attacks, investigations have remained inconclusive, evidence has been destroyed, enquiry commission reports have not been made public and perpetrators have not been caught. Instead a few arrests made on grounds of suspicion have been a source of harassment, and only once has the accused been charge-sheeted. So far no trial has been held. The inquiry reports that were published after the grenade attack on the Bangla New Year celebrations in 2001 at Ramna, Dhaka, (which killed 10 persons including 1 woman) and the bomb attack on a large Awami League rally on 21 August, (which killed Ivy Rehman and 20 others including 4 women) were incomplete and lacking in credibility. After each such incident the Prime Minister, Cabinet members and high-ranking officials promised to bring the culprits to justice. These promises ring hollow to the citizens of Bangladesh, as successive grenade attacks and bomb explosions have led to the killing of Ahsanullah Master, a member of Parliament from Ghazipur and a popular Awami League leader, several well-respected journalists, such as Manik Shaha and Humayun Kabir and political activists. In the name of quelling terror attacks and law enforcement, officially commissioned forces such as RAB, Cheeta, Cobra and the police have killed alleged suspects in custody, without giving them the benefit of a trial, and referred to their deaths as "crossfire" killings,. There has been no enquiry into the causes of these "crossfire killings". On the other hand, the administration has remained passive in the face of the vigilantist killings (of 20 persons) and torture perpetrated by Siddiqul Islam aka Bangla Bhai's and his gang in the name of suppressing Shorbohara members. Bangla Bhai remains at large inspite of an order of arrest from the Prime Minister reported in the media in 2004. Several ministers and relevant police officials have dismissed Bangla Bhai as a figment of media imagination despite clear evidence to the contrary. Irresponsibe acts by those in the highest seats of government and the lack of sincere, committed, and sustained measures for law enforcement has created tremendous insecurity for citizens and is a cause for deep social unrest. The growing tendency to extra-judicial killings has created an alarming deterioration in the law-and-order situation. It has curtailed citizensâ*™ rights to freedom of political participation and cultural activities. We demand an end to this situation. We also demand that the administration take immediate steps to ensure security for all public and private functions, political and cultural activities (such as the traditional Jatra), and women's sports (wrestling, swimming, football), and to create an environment for the practice of citizen's rights. We grieve for each life that has been lost, for each life that has been maimed or injured. At the same time, we condemn the terror attacks in the strongest possible language. We demand: - an independent and transparent investigation into each bomb blast and grenade attack (free of government intervention); - medical care for those injured in such attacks and compensation for their families; - the culprits be identified, and tried and that those found guilty be duly punished - steps be taken to improve the law and order situation, - that newly constituted forces stop using methods that are leading to custodial deaths or other forms of torture in the name of law enforcement, - that measures be taken to reinstate public faith in the law, courts, judicial system and in public institutions - an environment conducive to the performance of cultural activities (Jatra, Baul singing), to women's sports events (wrestling, swimming, football). (Coalition of Outraged Women Join us in a silent procession to protest bomb attacks, on 2 February, 2005 at 3 pm starting from Muktangan to Shahid Minar ) Signatories: 1. Hena Das 2. Laila Kabir 3. Ayesha Khanam 4. Farida Akhter 5. Shirin Akhtar 6. Hasina Akhter 7. Shamim Akhter 8. Shahin Akhter 1. Prof Nasrin Ahmed 10. Khursheed Erfan Ahmed 11. Rubina Ahmed 12. Rehnuma Ahmed 13. Nahar Ahmed 14. Hasina Ahmed 15. Aasha Mehreen Amin 16. Dr Sonia Amin 17. Rabiya Sultana Anju 18. Advocate Salma Ali 19. Shaheen Anam 20. Fatema Sannaiya Ansari 21. Nasima Akhter Banu 22. Supriya Bari 23. Suraiya Begum 24. Maleka Begum 25. Bilkis Nahar Biju 26. Kanak Chapa Chakma 27. Ila Chanda 28. Rekha Chowdhury 29. Protiti Debi 30. Aroma Dutt 31. Nina Goswami 32. Dr Sadeka Halim 33. Mita Haq 34. Adv. Sigma Huda 35. Minu Haque 36. Adv. Rezwana Hasan 37. Sara Hossain 38. Dr Hameeda Hossain 39. Fatema Hussain 40. Tasmima Hussain 41. Naseema Islam 42. Salma Jebin 43. Nargis Jaffar 44. Rounaq Jahan 45. Roushan Jahan 46. Shamshunahar Joshna 47. Umme Hasan Jhulmul 48. Shirin Kabir 49. Joshna Kabir 50. Sultana Kamal 51. Saeeda Kamal 52. Saeeda Gulrukh Kamal 53. Khaleda Khatoon 54. Khushi Kabir 55. Dr Naila Khan 56. Dr Nasreen Khondker 57. Iti Koro 58. Hameeda Akhter Laily 59. Mahbuba Akhter Lipi 60. Tayyaba Lipi 61. Shirin Banu Mithil 62. Dil Monwara Monnu 63. Munira Murshid Munni 64. Shukla Pal 65. Roushan Jahan Parveen 66. Ferdausi Priyobarshini 67. Faustina Pereira 68. Malika Perveen 69. Shahrukh Rahman 70. Shamshunahar Rahman Rose 71. Roqaiya Rafiq 72. Fahmida Rakhi 73. Dr Makhduma Nargis Ratna 74. Rasheda Begum Rekha 75. Afroza Haq Rina 76. Adv Sultana Akhter Ruby 77. Zafreen Sattar 78. Mina Sarkar 79. Masuda Akhtar Shefali 80. Hajera Sultana 81. Shimul Yusuf 82. Sara Zaker 83. Fareha Zeba o o o o o (ii) Appeal to Overseas Bangladesh Communities by Mrs. Asma Kibria [February 5, 2005, Dhaka] URL:www.sacw.net/Bangladesh/AsmaKibria05022005.html _______ [4] URGENT PRESS RELEASE New Delhi, 1st February 2005: Protesting against the state-sponsored violence against indigenous and dalit peoples in Orissa to facilitate the entry of mining companies into bauxite rich forest lands, members of Orissa-based struggle group Prakrutik Sampada Surakshya Parishad (PSSP), alongwith New Delhi-based youth and human rights activists, writers and intellectuals today submitted a memorandum to the Resident Commissioner of Orissa after a peaceful demonstration in front of the Orissa Bhavan in New Delhi this morning. Organizations present included PSSP, AIPRF, Samajwadi Jan Parishad, PUDR, Saheli, Sandhaan, Jagori, DSU, The Other Media, Mehnatkash Mazdoor Morcha and others. The memorandum demanded the immediate and unconditional release of 18 PSSP members who have been illegally arrested since December 2004 and to stop the human rights abuses by the state police on the villagers around Kashipur who have been for years peacefully resisted the moves by bauxite mining consortium Utkal Alumina International Ltd (UAIL) to take over their land and forests for a 100% export oriented alumina mining and refinery project. The Rs 4500 crore UAIL is a joint venture of Indian company HINDALCO (55% share) and Canadian company ALCAN (45%). TATA, HYDRO (Norwegian) and ALCOA (America) who were earlier part of the venture, were forced to withdraw from the project due to the mass struggle and opposition by the villagers. The project will source bauxite from a 195 million ton deposit in Baphli Mali, a sacred hill for the adivasis. The promoters also plan to set up an alumina refinery near Kucheipadar, from where it will be exported. At the refinery's capacity of consuming 9 million tones of bauxite per year, the Baphlimali deposit will be exhausted within two decades. The mines and refinery are slotted to come up in adivasi-majority areas that are protected by the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution. The Fifth Schedule guarantees the right of land to adivasis, and prohibits the transfer of these lands to non-tribals for any purpose. "The Government of Orissa is in the hands of the mining companies. Since early December, the Government has unleashed a reign of terror in the villages near the proposed mining project, and is keen on evicting the people at gun-point," said Rabi Shankar of PSSP. On November 25, 2004 Orissa Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik was quoted as saying that anti-mining struggles will be firmly dealt with. From late November, villages that are protesting the Utkal Alumina project proposed on their lands have been under siege by the police. On December 1st , 2004, the state police launched a brutal lathi charge on 400 adivasis, mostly women, who had gathered to protest the inauguration of a road to a proposed bauxite-mining site in Baphlimali owned by ALCAN. As a result, 16 people were critically injured and three women were beaten unconscious. Since this incident, platoons of armed police with firing orders have occupied Kucheipadar village-the center of the adivasi struggle. Eighteen activists of PSSP, the umbrella organization of adivasis spearheading the struggle against bauxite mining have been picked up from their villages mostly in the night in separate incidents and are now in jail without access to bail. "This is not the first time that adivasis of Kashipur are facing such state repression and police brutality," said Rabi Shankar. On December 16, 2000, three adivasis were killed in Kashipur when police fired on unarmed villagers associated with the people's struggle against bauxite mining. Following international outrage at the incident, one of UAIL's original stakeholders, Norsk Hydro of Norway, withdrew from the project in a move that clearly implicated both the UAIL and the Orissa government. The situation in rest of Orissa is not very different. As many as five bauxite mining and alumina projects are in the pipeline, covering 5 blocks of 3 districts - Kashipur ( Rayagada district) , Luxmipur and Dasamantpur ( Koraput), Lanjigada and Thuamulrampur (Kalahandi). Sterlite is proposed to source bauxite from Sasubohu mali of Kashipur block. Larson and Tubro from Sijimali and Kutrumali ( Kashipur block), Birla from Kodinga Mali ( Luxmipur block) and Vedanta from Niyamgiri and Khandual mali of Kalahandi district. "The total investment in the Orissa bauxite projects is to the tune of Rs 20,000 crores. Taking into consideration the present price of even just UAIL, the joint venture will reap a profit of at least Rs 2,88,000 crore during the 22-23 years of the project life, whereas the government will get Rs. 1300-1400 crores as royalty during that period. And the adivasis and dalits of these villages will get state repression, and a lifetime of misery and slum life," added Ranjana Padhi of Saheli Women's Resource Centre, Delhi, a group supporting the Kashipur peoples' struggle. The group has also appealed to the PMO office and the SC/ST for the release of the 18 people. For more information, contact: Ranjana Padhi; Harish Dhawan <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> _______ [5] AWAAZ - SOUTH ASIA WATCH LIMITED, LONDON, UK [www.awaazsaw.org] A UK-based South Asian secular network committed to challenging all forms of religious hatred and violence Contacts: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 3 February 2005 PRESS ADVISORY IMMEDIATE A DECEPTION EXPOSED - BUT A CRUCIAL OPPORTUNITY WASTED The report by the Charity Commission into the fundraising activities of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (HSS, charity number 267309) still leaves many questions hanging about the charity's connections with extremist and violent groups in India. The inquiry acknowledged a number of points first made by Awaaz - South Asia Watch's report last year [1]. The most disturbing fact is that the charity and its two other operating arms in the UK (Sewa International) and India (Sewa Bharati), have failed to provide audited accounts of how the money raised for the Gujarat earthquake appeal was spent in India. The Charity Commission also admits that it was unable to establish for itself how the funds were used in India, as they were not granted visas by the then BJP-headed Indian government. Awaaz believes the British public will be alarmed that HSS has been unable to provide audited accounts for how money donated in good faith to victims of the earthquake was actually spent abroad. The money that was raised by Sewa International, the UK 'service' arm of the HSS, was given to Sewa Bharati in India, the report confirms. Sewa Bharati is known to be a key front organization for the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The RSS has long been involved and implicated in anti-minority violence and hatred. Similarly, Sewa Bharati has been involved in violent and hate-driven activities in Madhya Pradesh and elsewhere in India. The Charity Commission's inquiry corroborates Awaaz's claim that Sewa International failed to consistently and clearly identify its link with the HSS. The Commission says that on some appeal literature, the HSS registered number was quoted, but the name of the charity was not. Awaaz also welcomes the advice by the Charity Commission that: * Sewa International must fully declare its association with HSS in all its promotional, campaign and fundraising material. Awaaz believes that in its recent Asian tsunami appeals, Sewa International UK continues to fall well short of this key threshold of public transparency and accountability. * Charities operating internationally have a range of duties and obligations regarding good accounting practice, accounting transparency and accounting records, including good practice in producing audited accounts relating to expenditure abroad. While welcoming the report, Awaaz feels that it does not go far enough. Awaaz believes it represents a wasted opportunity to bring to light the ways and means used by violent fundamentalist organizations abroad to raise funds from the UK public without the public being made aware of the nature of the organizations hiding behind charitable fundraising. * By limiting its inquiry, without legitimate reason, solely to the Gujarat Earthquake Appeal, the Charity Commission failed to address the nature of the RSS/HSS, and the consistent support and fundraising undertaken by HSS/Sewa International UK over several decades for violent, extremist and hate-promoting organizations in India. Sewa International UK is a fundraising front for RSS organizations in India; the HSS is a branch of the RSS in the UK. The allegiance of both organizations is to the secretive paramilitary cult of the RSS and its family of organizations. Sewa International / HSS has raised funds for organizations such as the Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram that have been involved in large-scale anti-minority violence in Gujarat (during the carnage there in 2002) and elsewhere. * Even within this limited remit (the Gujarat earthquake funds), the Charity Commission failed to investigate and report on several serious allegations that it was fully aware of: that all the Gujarat earthquake money was given to Sewa Bharati, a key RSS front organization; that Sewa Bharati branches in Madhya Pradesh and elsewhere have an extensive, publicly documented track record of anti-minority violence and hatred, including allegations of bomb making in Madhya Pradesh; that all the money raised from the British public for 'Schools Project 2' (some £1.3 million) was for building sectarian, highly controversial RSS schools and not directly for earthquake relief; that money from 'Schools Project 2' was sent to organizations that are known in Gujarat (Lok Kalyan Trust) or elsewhere (Jankalyan Samiti) to be involved or implicated in serious violence and hatred. * The Charity Commission claims that HSS / Sewa International UK had taken steps to ensure funds were applied in accordance with the earthquake appeal. This claim is based on a document presented by supporters of Sewa International UK (none of whom provided evidence of Sewa Bharati's accounts.) Yet the Charity Commission report also states that it has been unable to establish how the funds were utilised in India. It further states that no audited accounts from Sewa Bharati Gujarat were received. These findings are inconsistent and are a cause for considerable concern. * Another investigation [1] into the use of Gujarat earthquake funds by Sewa International UK was produced by Awaaz, a small unfunded organization with comparatively few resources. This showed that Sewa International UK misled the British public about the number of villages it claimed it was rebuilding, and that it did not disclose to the British public information about the extensive funds that it received for the six villages from state governments in India. This report also showed the extensive promotion of the RSS, its ideology and its leaders that went along with Sewa International UK's earthquake-related efforts. * The Charity Commission report accepts that there is only an ideological commonality between the HSS UK and the RSS. We are concerned that this claim does not affect the credibility of the Charity Commission, since the Commission might be widely seen as one of few organizations in existence that does not seem to know that the HSS UK and Sewa International UK are RSS outfits. The RSS openly states that HSS UK is its branch and Sewa International is its project. The extensive evidence of the RSS's direction, guidance, involvement in and support of its UK organizations, and the extensive and active working links between the RSS and the HSS UK are amply documented [1]. These associations have also been widely publicised in the Indian and UK press / media. Sewa International / HSS UK's intimate and extensive links with the RSS are more important than ever to expose given the devastating Asian tsunami and the remarkable groundswell of British public sympathy for and generosity towards the victims. For its tsunami-related fundraising in the UK the RSS has relied virtually exclusively on Sewa International UK. And yet again, HSS / Sewa International UK are up to their tricks in their tsunami fundraising campaigns. This has included failing to disclose that they are fundraising virtually entirely for RSS organizations in Tamil Nadu and elsewhere in India, including organizations linked to violence and hate. Awaaz calls on the Charity Commission to open fresh, thorough and competent investigations into the ideological and political links between the HSS / Sewa International UK, the VHP UK, the Kalyan Ashram Trust UK (all registered charities) and the RSS and its family of organizations. [ENDS] NOTES [1]. The Awaaz report is available from www.awaazsaw.org/ibf. The report is titled: In Bad Faith? British Charity and Hindu Extremism, published by Awaaz - South Asia Watch Ltd, London, 2004, ISBN 0 9547174 0 6. [2] The Charity Commission's report can be accessed here: http://www.charity-commission.gov.uk/investigations/inquiryreports/hss.asp [3]. The RSS, the 'National Volunteers' Corps', was formed in 1926 and is dedicated to turning India from a secular, democratic, multi-religious nation into an authoritarian anti-minority 'Hindu nation'. It has a large family of closely allied organisations operating in India and abroad. The founders and key leaders of the RSS were strongly inspired by Fascist Italy and vocally supported Nazi Germany, including Nazi policies towards German-Jews. The ideology of the RSS is 'Hindutva', a belief that India only belongs to Hindus who 'share the blood' of 'Vedic-Aryans' and who consider India as their 'holyland'. M. K. Gandhi was murdered by an RSS supporter. [4]. Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh UK is the British branch of the RSS. Sewa International UK is its 'service project' and is the British fundraising arm for RSS front organisations in India. ________ [6] Acceptance Statement: National Award for Best Non-Feature film Two years ago our film "War and Peace" was refused a censor certificate. The Bombay High Court finally ruled that the film could be shown without cuts. Next we fought so that documentaries in the video format could become eligible for national awards. Our fight does not end here. The filmmaking community wants to ensure that censor certificates are no longer required for national awards and film festivals. In a country like India divided by class, caste and gender, the democratic rights of weaker sections continue to be compromised. And yet it will be foolish to ignore the moments in time when our democracy begins to live up to its name. "War and Peace" is a critique of nuclear weapons in India and abroad. The Honourable President who is giving this national award is one of the architects of India's nuclear policy! This may be a delicious irony but it is also a welcome signifier of democracy. Our next effort will be to get the film telecast on national television and encourage debate on what exactly constitutes national security, what is considered to be good science, and what constitutes patriotism. Is it love for a piece of land that could well become radio-active for millions of years, or love for the people who live and die on this land. I thank the many who helped to make and show the film and accept this award on behalf of all those in our subcontinent who are fighting for democracy, communal harmony, de-militarization and peace. Anand Patwardhan Feb 2, 2005 Contact: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> _/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/_/ Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/ SACW archive is available at: bridget.jatol.com/pipermail/sacw_insaf.net/ Sister initiatives : South Asia Counter Information Project : snipurl.com/sacip South Asians Against Nukes: www.s-asians-against-nukes.org Communalism Watch: communalism.blogspot.com/ DISCLAIMER: Opinions expressed in materials carried in the posts do not necessarily reflect the views of SACW compilers. ------------------------ Yahoo! Groups Sponsor --------------------~--> Help save the life of a child. 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