http://www.malaysia-today.net/Blog-e/2005/06/kings-revenge.htm

Malaysia adalah negara yang istimewa kerana diperintah
oleh Kerajaan Rasuah dan Sultan/Raja Lanun.   30 tahun
dahulu Malaysia miskin tetapi mampu memberi biasiswa
pelajaran kepada beratus-ribu pelajar.   Kini Malaysia
kaya dengan hasil minyak dll tetapi tiada wang
jangankan beri biasiswa malah untuk beri hutang yang
berriba' tinggi.
Inilah akibat menolak undang-undang Allah, dan
mengikut undang-undang ciptaan syaitan  ........
hilang keberkatan dari Allah.

Baca dan fikirkan:

THE KING’S REVENGE - MALAYSIA TODAY SPECIAL REPORT ON
NEGERI SEMBILAN: PART 1

The intriguing story of the Throne behind the Power
which removed Isa Samad

Someone is sporting a large smile these days after the
recent fall of Tan Sri Mohd Isa Samad. 

While there is no doubt the majority of Isa’s enemies
are fellow leaders of UMNO, Isa’s actual archenemy
over the last two decades is outside the realm of
politics. After more than twenty years of trying to
remove Isa from the political scene, he has finally
succeeded in doing so by riding on the paranoia of an
up-and-coming young politician from Isa’s home state
of Negeri Sembilan and by persuading that young man to
exert his influence on his father-in-law, Abdullah
Ahmad Badawi, to ‘break’ Isa’s neck using the
mechanism of the UMNO Disciplinary Board.

Malaysians as a whole would be surprised to know that
one of those egging Khairy Jamaluddin on to take a
swipe at Isa’s political career is none other than the
ruler of Negeri Sembilan, Tuanku Jaafar. 

However, those in the know of Negeri Sembilan’s weird
and wonderful world of Perpatih and petty politics
know that Tuanku Jaafar has hated Isa for almost all
the 22 years he spent as head of the executive branch
of the Negeri Sembilan government. There is no love
lost between the Tuanku and his former Menteri Besar.

When Khairy Jamaluddin first appeared on the political
scene of Negeri Sembilan some five years back, he was
a complete non-entity. However, since then,
capitalising on his father’s Rembau roots, he has
built up a political machine to rival that of Isa
Samad. Khairy used the Rembau family of the current
Menteri Besar, Mohamad Hasan, to strengthen his hold
on the state’s UMNO machinery.

By persuading his father-in-law, Abdullah Ahmad
Badawi, to promote Mohamad Hasan as Isa’s successor,
Khairy managed to lay the ground to supplant Isa. The
reason for this is simple. Isa, by virtue of his
longevity as Menteri Besar, was Khairy’s main obstacle
to securing a political base in Negeri Sembilan.
Khairy chose Negeri Sembilan primarily because his
mother’s home state of Kedah was in an even bigger
political quagmire due to the rivalry between the
strongmen of former PM Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and
Abdullah’s hodge-podge supporters of ex-political
secretaries and former Anwar Ibrahim men. So Khairy
made a tactical decision to follow his patrilineal
roots and plant himself firmly on Rembau soil.

But Khairy’s late father’s legacy in Rembau is not
that strong enough. Former diplomat Datuk Jamaludin
Abu Bakar, Khairy’s father, was known as an arrogant
and aloof diplomat of the old-school who worried more
about the pattern of his Paris-made silk ties than the
vagaries of Rembau kampong life. So Khairy was forced
to latch onto the political family of Mohamad Hasan,
comprised of, amongst others, his elder brother Datuk
Azman Hasan and several other brothers (collectively
known in the local scene as “Anak-anak Abu Hasan
Pencuri”) to secure his political future. The
trade-off was that Mohamad Hasan would become Menteri
Besar of Negeri Sembilan in order to lay the ground
for Khairy’s eventual positioning in that state,
either as a parliamentarian or even as Mohamad Hasan’s
successor as the next Menteri Besar.

In doing so, Khairy faced the problem of Isa, a deft,
populist and plain-speaking man of little educational
stature. Diminutive and brash, Isa Samad made history
by being the youngest Menteri Besar of Negeri Sembilan
at a tender age of 33. Coming from another established
political family of Negeri Sembilan, Isa was the son
of a former state EXCO member and nephew to former
Deputy Prime Minister, Tun Ghafar Baba. Isa’s talent
lay in the fact that he had used his 22 years as
Menteri Besar to create a political network that
reached the very roots of UMNO politics in Negeri
Sembilan. Compared to the English-speaking Khairy with
his Oxford twang, hardly understood by the Rembau hoi
polloi, Isa spoke with the eloquence of a typical
grassroots Malay politician. He was also someone who
appeared more approachable than the self-important
son-in-law of the Prime Minister. So Khairy had a
problem, but he had a strong supporter in the form of
Tuanku Jaafar. The old monarch who turns 83 next July
had been ruling the state since 1967. Since then he
has suffered four Menteri Besars. However, the first
three - the late Tan Sri Said, the late Datuk Mansor
and the “almost-late” Datuk Rais Yatim, were
patricians who shared the aristocratic lifestyle of
Tuanku “Bill” (as he is known in the Negeri royal
family).

Isa was a different kettle of fish. He was not a
Minangkabau, but a Bugis from Linggi. He had no
respect for Tuanku Jaafar’s persistent demands for
land to be alienated to Antah and Melewar (the two
private commercial vehicles of the Negeri royal
family), for more pig farm licenses to be issued to
the Tuanku and for shutting a blind eye to the
Tuanku’s blatant sale of Datukships. The Tuanku also
wanted Isa to give him a monopoly on all quarries in
Negeri Sembilan. This was something Isa was not wont
of doing, either for his own personal enrichment or
because he genuinely believed that the Tuanku was
acting as a broker for several Chinese businessmen.

In 1992, the Tuanku requested for several quarries in
the area of Serting to be allocated to a Chinese
businessman friend. Isa refused and instead granted
the land to several UMNO politicians from both within
and outside Negeri Sembilan. Tuanku Jaafar was so
annoyed he started to grow a beard. This was following
a long tradition started by the late Sultan Idris of
Perak who, when annoyed with his Menteri Besar, would
grow a long beard and not shave it off until his
wishes were granted. Unfortunately for the Tuanku,
unlike the handsome late Sultan of Perak, the Tuanku’s
beard appeared like that of the Datuk Nikah Kahwin in
the P. Ramlee hit “Musang Berjanggut”. Within Isa’s
circle, Tuanku Jaafar became known as “Tuanku Musang
Berjanggut”. The stand-off lasted for a very long time
but Isa could not be bothered to placate the old
ruler. Isa threw out the Chinese datuk who came to see
him regarding the quarries. He even refused to attend
the Tuanku’s summons to the Istana in Seri Menanti for
a huddle with the Chinese businessman.

Things became so bad that Isa and the Tuanku were no
longer seen together at public events. The Istana made
it known that Tuanku Jaafar would not attend any
function that was graced by Isa. Neither did the
political secretary of the Menteri Besar accept any
invitation to a function that had already been
accepted by the Istana. On the very few occasions when
both had to appear together, as in the state opening
of Parliament, the two protagonists of Negeri Sembilan
politics hardly spoke a word to each other. Sometimes,
when the Tuanku spoke, Isa would talk to someone else
and turn his face away from the royal countenance. The
Tuanku would attend to the natural demands of his
bladder when Isa rose to give speeches. It was the
funniest of times for the Negeri people.

The stand-off was not resolved. Tuanku Jaafar sent his
brother Tunku Abdullah (fondly known as Charlie) to
see Dr Mahathir to request for Isa’s removal. However,
Dr Mahathir, having just deliberately developed a
constitutional crisis with the Rulers over the Gomez
beatings by the Sultan of Johor, was not pleased to
entertain the Tuanku’s demands. Instead, Dr Mahathir
asked Isa to find another way to solve the Tuanku’s
monetary problems. Isa relented by giving Tuanku
Jaafar almost a totally free hand in deciding
datukships and receiving payments for them. Suddenly
the Tuanku had a money-pit of unending depth.

The Darjah Paduka Tuanku Jaafar (DPTJ third class)
became the newest money source for the Tuanku. Malay
businessmen lined up to pay up to RM200,000 for the
award. Chinese businessmen usually paid a higher price
of RM300,000 plus an annual mas manah (gift fee)
payable each time the Tuanku or Tunku Ampuan went
overseas for a holiday or on the occasion of his royal
highness’ birthday. The number of Datuks swelled and
soon became a public joke. However, the key point is
that UMNO kept its quarries and the Tuanku began to
have a new source of income.

Nevertheless, the Tuanku’s antipathy towards Isa never
faded. With the arrival of Khairy Jamaluddin on the
Negeri Sembilan political scene, the Tuanku felt he
had an ally finally strong enough to remove Isa. The
Tuanku made it known to Khairy that he would not
object to Khairy finding another person as Menteri
Besar. In fact, through his son Tunku Naquiyuddin,
Tuanku Jaafar suggested that Khairy himself would be
eminently suited for that position and suggested that
the gerrymandering of Negeri Sembilan constituencies
be made to prepare the ground for his election in
Rembau. Accordingly, prior to the 2004 General
Election, the state constituency of Paroi in Seremban
suddenly became part of the elongated and
absurdly-shaped parliamentary constituency of Rembau.

However, Isa is not as stupid as some say he looks. He
realised what Khairy was doing and organised several
meetings with groups of UMNO grassroots to warn them
of the impending Tsunami that goes by the name of
Khairy Jamaluddin. The UMNO grassroots in Negeri
Sembilan had no love for the Oxford brat and preferred
traditional politicians such as Isa, Khalid Yunus, or
even the convicted murderer and state UMNO treasurer,
Datuk Mokhtar Hashim. As a result, several busloads of
UMNO Negeri Sembilan supporters, under the pretext of
visiting the newly-built and shining megapolis of
Putrajaya, sought meetings with Abdullah and told him
in no uncertain terms that it was too early for Khairy
to be a candidate in the 2004 General Election.

Khairy bided his time, but his seething anger towards
Isa grew. Tuanku Jaafar again took advantage of this,
and having met Khairy in a public function, again
reiterated his support for Isa to move in to ‘loftier’
heights. Khairy took that as a signal to put in
Mohamad Hasan who accordingly left his job at Cycle &
Carriage and entered Negeri Sembilan politics. By
Nomination Day 2004, he was Menteri Besar-designate,
having been involved in Negeri Sembilan politics for
less than six months. Two brand-new Mercedes-Benzes
from Kuala Lumpur were sent to Seri Menanti as a gift
from Mohamad Hasan to Tuanku Jaafar and were
appropriately appraised as suitable payment for the
Tuanku’s agreement to appoint Mohamad Hasan as the new
Menteri Besar post-general election.

Isa was in a dilemma. He was not sure of his power to
reject Abdullah Badawi’s (and Khairy Jamaluddin’s)
order to go for the federal seat of Jempol. Khalid
Yunus was to be sacrificed and the man known as ‘Pipit
Uban’ due to his shocking white hair obligingly faded
into oblivion after half-hearted attempts by his
supporters to demonstrate for his continued presence
as their MP. Isa won the seat, not surprisingly
because in Negeri Sembilan even a cow standing as the
BN candidate would win in any Malay-majority seat.
However, in the cabinet reshuffle that followed, Isa
was given the relatively unimportant post as Minister
for the Federal Territories. So unimportant was the
post that, in the live telecast of the announcement of
the cabinet reshuffle, Abdullah Badawi forgot to
mention the appointment and the press discovered the
new position only after the embargoed press statement
was released.

When Isa won the UMNO Vice-Presidency, Tuanku Jaafar
began to fear that his archenemy would further ascend
the political ladder, especially if Najib Tun Razak
were to become the prime minister of Malaysia. This
was especially since Isa had once quipped to his
Negeri Sembilan supporters that his temporary office
in Putrajaya had a nice view of his political target,
which was the Prime Minister’s office. Accordingly,
Tuanku Jaafar did everything in his power to make sure
Isa would fall flat on his face.

Actually, Tuanku need not have bothered much as Khairy
was already plotting Isa’s downfall. Khairy had
planted several delegates to the UMNO General Assembly
who met with Isa at his office at the Kuala Lumpur
City Hall to receive small sums of RM300 as duit
minyak (petrol money). Instead of using the money to
buy liters of petrol, these delegates brought the
money to Khairy. Khairy then instructed them to make
photocopies of the money and to make a Statutory
Declaration that they had received it as bribes from
Isa.

In order to emphasise his so-called neutrality, Tuanku
Jaafar, when informed of Isa’s impending case, made a
point to call Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, the head of
UMNO’s Disciplinary Board and a fellow royal. Tengku
Ahmad Rithaudeen, like Tuanku Jaafar, was an
aristocrat, a member of the dispossessed Pattani royal
family. Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen had known Tuanku
Jaafar since their England days where they both
qualified as lawyers. A few years the Tuanku’s junior,
Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen was a convenient hack that
serves the purpose of any person who was UMNO
President. The Tuanku, in his phone conversation with
Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, was briefed of Isa’s case and
muttered in reply, “that he had nothing to say in
Isa’s defence and things should take its course.”

Isa Samad, accordingly, fell, as we all know, and was
given a six-year suspension. Isa was informed of the
decision at 4pm on the 24th of June. At 5pm, the
Tuanku’s personal secretary informed him of the
decision.

Tuanku Jaafar wore a very wide smile that afternoon.
He had finally reached his goal: that is to see Isa
fall before he shuts his eyes for the final time.
Still smiling, he picked up his handphone, gave it to
his personal secretary and asked for the number of a
certain person who happened to be at that time
visiting his father-in-law’s office in Putrajaya….

To be continued. Part 2: A state bankrupted by its own
royal family



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