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Published on Tuesday, April 30, 2002 in the San Francisco
Chronicle | ||
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U.S. Promise on Jenin Won
Arafat's Freedom Bush offered help with U.N. fact-finding | ||
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by Dina Shiloh | ||
| TEL AVIV -- This weekend's
U.S.-brokered deal to lift the confinement of Palestinian leader Yasser
Arafat was a bitter pill for Israel, but President Bush made it easier to
swallow by pledging American aid in managing a U.N. investigation of the
Jenin incident, it was confirmed yesterday.
But Bush and National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice were able to break the logjam by promising to support Israel in the Jenin matter while enlisting Britain to provide monitors who will work beside American counterparts in overseeing the future imprisonment of the Palestinian militants. Neither side has openly acknowledged that such a deal was made, but reports in the Israeli media and statements by Israeli cabinet officials yesterday made clear that a quid pro quo had been struck. Sources in Sharon's office said yesterday that Rice and Sharon foreign policy adviser Danny Ayalon had been in "constant connection" during Sunday's cantankerous, all-day session of the Israeli Cabinet, many of whose members opposed giving Arafat freedom of movement. After Ayalon apprised Rice of the resistance, the Yediot Ahronot newspaper reported, Rice ultimately asked him to convey a personal message from Bush to Sharon that the United States "will be with you the entire way." This was understood as a reference to Israel's increasingly heated confrontation with the United Nations over a committee charged with looking into Israeli actions during eight days battling Palestinian gunmen in a Jenin refugee camp. Dozens are believed to have died in the fighting. "We have to do this because Bush has offered help with the Jenin fact- finding team affair," Sharon told the Cabinet at one point, finally winning them over on a 17-to-9 vote. To sweeten the pot, Rice also delivered an invitation from Bush to Sharon asking the Israeli leader to visit in Washington next week. Transportation Minister Ephraim Sneh told Israel Radio yesterday: "How can we turn down an offer from the Americans? The battle is now moving to the diplomatic arena, and in this arena our greatest asset is U.S. support." BACKING DOWN BY SHARON? Despite the diplomatic cover offered by Bush and Rice, however, many Israelis interpret the affair as a backing down by Sharon. "There was very, very heavy pressure on Sharon, personal pressure applied by Bush," said diplomatic commentator Akiva Eldar. "The pressure is also connected to Bush's meeting last Friday with Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah. Lifting the siege on Arafat was one of the things that Bush promised to the Saudis." Indeed, Sharon had told Secretary of State Colin Powell only two weeks ago that he would "rather go to elections" than let the six people in Arafat's compound go free. The six are the four killers of Israeli Tourism Minister Rehavam Ze'evi, a personal friend of Sharon's, as well as Ahmed Saadat, the leader of the militant Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine -- whom Israel accuses of organizing and executing dozens of terrorist attacks -- and Palestinian Authority finance chief Fuad Shubaki, believed by Israel to have orchestrated the Karine A weapons-smuggling affair. Arafat carried out a trial last week in which the six were all found guilty and given sentences ranging from one to 18 years. Israel quickly denounced the proceeding as a farce, noting that Palestinians are often convicted and imprisoned only to be released a few days or weeks later. Successive U.S. administrations have spoken disparagingly of Arafat's "revolving door" policy toward justice for militants. SOME UNHAPPY WITH DEAL Many Palestinians were not enthusiastic about the deal springing Arafat. "If these four people killed the minister, then yes, they should go to prison," said Sameer Abdullah, a bank executive in Ramallah. "But Ahmed Saadat (the PFLP leader) is very popular here in Ramallah, and people are very angry that he will have to go to prison. People are saying that he is someone who is a fighter and who simply has fought for his political ideals, and they do not want him to go." A team of British experts arrived yesterday to ascertain how many and what kind of monitors should be put in place. But by late in the day, no decisions had been reached, and Arafat remained in his compound. "We don't know if these people monitoring the prisoners will be American policemen or soldiers," said Paul Patton, the press attache at the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv. "The British have a lot of experience with this type of thing in Northern Ireland, and so they'll be able to bring that experience to this situation," he added. "We think we have achieved a lot by ending this standoff, and we hope we'll be able to get Bethlehem cleared next." There is a precedent for such a force: In 1975, Henry Kissinger's efforts to defuse disputes between Israel and Egypt led to an American "Sinai field contingent." It operated for just a few weeks. Analysts say those who see the British and U.S. monitors as the precursors for a permanent peacekeeping force in the region are mistaken. ©2002 San Francisco Chronicle ### |
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